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HISTORY 



OF THE 



UNION LEAGUE 



OF 



PHILADELPHIA. 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



UNION LEAGUE 



OF 



PHILADELPHIA, 



FKOM ITS OKIGIN AND FOUNDATION TO THE YEAK 1882. 



BY 



GEORGE PARSONS LATHROP. 



Non exercitus, neque thesauri, prsesidia regni sunt ; verum amiei." 

Sallust. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 

18 84. 






5 , 



pf^ 



<y 



Copyright, 1883, by J. B. Lippincott & Co. 



CONTENTS. 



I. — Significance of the Subject 7 

II. — Philadelphia at the Beginning of the War . . 10 

III. — The Union Club: Germ of the League ... 24 
IV. — The League Founded — Effect on New York and 

Boston 36 

Y. — First Year of the League 45 

"VI. — The Board of Publication 64 

VII. — Committee on Enlistments 70 

VIII. — The Eaising of Negro Troops 75 

IX. — The Close of the War 82 

X. — The League's Course after the War .... 93 

XI. — Eleven Prosperous Years 107 

XII. — Closing Observations 122 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY. 

I. — Articles of Association of the Union Club . . 129 
II. — Articles of Association of the Union League . . 130 
III. — Date and Origin of the Union League Club of New 

York 133 

5 



g CONTENTS. 



PAGE 



IY. — Speeches Delivered at the Inauguration of the 

First League House 138 

Y. — Original By-Laws of the League .... 141 

YI. — Circular to Organizers of other Leagues . . . 147 

YII. — Address of September 16, 1863 149 

YIII. — Correspondence on Enlistment of Colored Troops . 151 

IX. — Eenomination of President Lincoln .... 153 

X. — Correspondence with Hon. William M. Meredith . 155 

XI. — Eesolutions to Mr. Claghorn 157 

XII. — Constitutional Convention Preamble and Resolu- 
tions 158 

XIII.— The League House 163 

XIY. — Officers of the League from December, 1862, to 

December, 1881 . .166 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 



I. 

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SUBJECT. 

The voluntary banding together of citizens to aid the 
government of their country is characteristic of our age 
and of the growth of liberty. History shows many ex- 
amples of heroic devotion to arbitrary rulers on the part 
of cities or peoples ; but the sj)ectacle of private citizens 
uniting to take on themselves a portion of the cares and 
expenses of the established government is reserved for 
those times and countries in which the people themselves 
create the government and are represented in all its 
branches. 

The progressive spirit which, in the fourteenth century, 

7 



8 HISTORY OF THE 

prompted the Hanseatic League, — an alliance of towns 
for the protection and development of commerce against 
the exactions and hinderances of princes, — takes with us 
a different form and direction. That great association of 
popular and corporate powers extended its activity to the 
functions of government, dictating treaties and declaring 
wars ; but by these means it came into conflict with exist- 
ing authorities. In a republic like the United States, ideas 
of new freedom and advancement, social or political, may 
be labored for by the people without this opposition to 
authority. Having first delegated their legislative and ad- 
ministrative rights to certain persons, they bring to the 
aid of those persons a reserved power, which manifests 
itself in print and speech, in conferences, associations, and 
in helpful deeds ; so that, on an emergency, the entire 
nation may resolve itself into a sort of sub-government, 
or vast committee, auxiliary to the appointed heads of 
affairs. 

This was exemplified during the War for the Union 
by the Union League organized in Philadelphia, and by 
other societies, modelled after it, in other cities and States 
of the North. It was one of those growths embodying a 
sublime concej)tion, which among a free population spring 
spontaneously into life. Its full scope and stature may 
not have been foreseen by all those who took part in its 
beginnings ; but as they worked for it in a common spirit, 
from that spirit it took life, form, and motion, and stood 
at last like a Titan in the community, a realization of 
large and harmonious ideas. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 9 

To observe, then, the phases of its growth ; to review 
its measures, the character of the men who conducted it, 
and its influence on the course of public affairs, becomes 
a matter of deep interest and significance. 



10 HISTORY OF THE 



II. 

PHILADELPHIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 

To understand precisely the political and social conditions 
which gave rise to the Union League we must look back to 
the beginning of the War for the Union. 

Before the Presidential election of 1860, Pennsylvania 
had been a Democratic State. The delegates which it sent 
to the convention that nominated Abraham Lincoln went as 
from the "People's Party/' — a coalition which was not ready 
to array itself definitely under the name of the Republican 
organization ; and although Pennsylvania was carried for 
Lincoln, it did not give him its electoral vote as a Repub- 
lican State, but simply as one which had been conquered 
from the divided Democrats by the successful coalition called 
the People's Party. Hence, after the inauguration of Mr. 
Lincoln, the old elements of variance remained extant and 
powerful in Philadelphia, the metropolis of the Common- 
wealth. 

On December 13, 1860, a great assembly met in Inde- 
pendence Square, composed of men of almost all parties and 
factions, to urge as an antidote for secession, concession. The 
tone of the addresses there delivered, and received with en- 
thusiasm, was entirely in favor of granting to the South 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. \\ 

whatever it might demand as a condition precedent to re- 
maining in the Union ; in favor of repealing the " liberty 
bills" passed by Northern States, and preserving the Union 
by compromise ; patching up, in fine, a Marcolfa's peace of 
the feeblest sort. It was there, too, that an influential 
speaker pronounced slavery "an incalculable blessing." The 
strong bias towards the South in the minds of many indi- 
viduals accustomed to weigh questions carefully may be in- 
ferred from the declaration of one such person, the speaker 
just referred to, Mr. Justice Woodward, of the Supreme Court 
of the State, who said, on another occasion, "If the Union is 
to be divided, I want the line of separation to run north of 
Pennsylvania." 

On the 3d of January, 1861, a meeting, composed, accord- 
ing to the account of The Press of that time, of about one 
hundred and fifty from among "our most prominent citizens, 
representing the influences which control Philadelphia in 
the present public emergency," was summoned at the Board 
of Trade rooms. The call for this meeting indicates plainly 
the current drift of sentiment. It stated that the object was 
" to consider what measures should be adopted by the citi- 
zens of Philadelphia on the present condition of our national 
affairs, to aid the constituted authorities of the State and gen- 
eral government in the enforcement of the laws, to remove all 
just ground of complaint against the Northern States, and to 
secure the perpetuity of the Union." Obviously there ex- 
isted in the minds of those who drew up this appeal a strong 
belief that open hostility might yet be averted by timely con- 
cessions on the part of the North ; albeit among the signers 



12 HISTORY OF THE 

were such men as Henry C. Carey, Morton McMichael, 
C. G. Childs, Charles Gilpin, William D. Lewis, and Daniel 
Dougherty. Mr. C. G. Childs presided, and in his opening 
remarks he said, "While there is yet time let us speak for 
the Union." The Hon. Ellis Lewis, one of the signers of 
the call, spoke next, asking to be allowed to withdraw his 
name, because he could not agree to the resolutions that were 
to be offered. It turned out that these were too decisively in 
favor of the government and against secession to suit his 
taste. Mr. Dougherty presented the fourth resolution first. 
It strongly apjDroved the conduct of Major Anderson, and 
called for prompt reinforcements. This was adopted with 
enthusiasm ; but other resolutions denying the right of peace- 
able secession brought on debate. It was moved to commit 
them. The Hon. Ellis Lewis then proposed resolutions very 
conciliatory towards the South, and demanding the enforce- 
ment of the Fugitive Slave Law. At last the discussion 
degenerated into a many-sided and demoralized parley. 
The meeting was adjourned amid excitement and confusion, 
without any result having been reached, excepting the dem- 
onstration of the fact that among those citizens "represent- 
ing the influences which control Philadelphia" there was an 
absolute and hopeless division of opinion respecting the 
secession question and the duties incumbent on Pennsyl- 
vania at that hour. 

A little later — January 16, 1861 — an "anti-coercion meet- 
ing" was held in National Hall, at which speeches against 
using force towards the South were made by Vincent L. 
Bradford, Robert P. Kane, George M. Wharton, Charles 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 13 

Ingersoll, and Benjamin Harris Brewster, — gentlemen of 
position and force. Mr. Brewster, since appointed Attorney- 
General of the United States nnder the administration of 
President Arthur, at this time held indeterminate views. 
" The South," he said, " has been wronged, ... If this 
goodly fabric falls, what will Pennsylvania do ?" The press 
report of that meeting says the question was answered by 
cries of " Go with the South !" Mr. Brewster, continuing, 
declared, " It is an eventuality I have no wish to realize ; 
but this I may safely say, that Pennsylvania will, whether 
she be detached or not, — whether she is compelled to go with 
the North or with the South, or stand by herself, — she will, 
if she is true to her own honored story, be ready to pacificate 
and reconcile and reconstruct, even if the ruin be conrplete." 
If Mr. Brewster, who afterwards entered into active sym- 
pathy with the North in upholding the Federal government 
by force of arms, hesitated thus, it may easily be seen how 
others would hesitate. The National Hall meeting even 
adopted one resolution which plainly announced a pref- 
erence for secession,* though the language was somewhat 
guarded. 

* This twelfth resolution read as follows : " That, in the deliberate 
judgment of the Democracy of Philadelphia, and, so far as we know 
it, of Pennsylvania, the dissolution of the Union by the separation of 
the whole South — a result we shall most sincerely lament — may re- 
lease this Commonwealth to a large extent from the bonds which now 
connect her with the Confederacy, except so far as for temporary 
convenience she chooses to submit to them, and would authorize and 
require her citizens, through a convention to be assembled for that 



14 HISTORY OF THE 

A few days later* similar tendencies of timidity and 
surrender found expression in an important gathering of 
workingmen, who sent a committee of thirty-three to Wash- 
ington, to urge upon Pennsylvanians in Congress a vigorous 
support of the Crittenden Compromise. Irresolution and a 
fellow-feeling with the South were, in fine, shown by repre- 
sentatives of all classes ; and the welfare of manufacturers, 
artisans, and traders, it was insisted, made temporization and 
conciliation a duty. 

In April, 1861, a weekly paper was started boldly under 
the title The Palmetto Flag, — a title which the publishers 
declared " has been adopted after mature reflection." This, 
they asserted, was done " with no intention to adopt sectional 
views or extreme partisan opinions, but simply to afford to 
our Southern friends and their Northern sympathizers a 
liberal vehicle for the expression of their views and opin- 
ions." But the real purpose of the publication was not 
disguised. Its columns were filled with defences of slavery 
and attacks upon the Republican party. One editorial 
characterized "the President of the United States, Abraham 
Lincoln," as "the head and front of the trouble that now 
agitates this country ;" another, entitled " Pennsylvania a 
War State for the North or for the South," asked why it 

purpose, to determine with whom her lot should be cast, — whether 
with the JSTorth and East, whose fanaticism has precipitated this 
misery upon us, or with our brethren of the South, whose wrongs we feel 
as our own; or whether Pennsylvania shall stand by herself as a 
distinct community," etc. 
* January 26, 1861. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 15 

was that Governor Curtin should have summoned the Legis- 
lature to put the militia of the State on a war footing ; why, 
in fact, he could not " wait awhile, and watch which way the 
current of events will turn." This valiant sheet set forth 
that there were many " Constitution lovers" in the State, 
who were not ready to have the arms of the militia turned 
against " their long and patiently suffering brethren of 
Maryland, Virginia, and the extreme Southern States ;" and 
it hinted that when these citizens should discover how they 
could become "the manufacturing head of the Southern 
Confederacy," they would throw off their allegiance to the 
United States, and call upon New York to go with them. 

Sumter fell, and the Pennsylvanians, who in the main had 
believed that war would be averted, were so stunned by the 
event that at first they seemed apathetic. Gradually this 
appearance passed, and in a few days the seething indigna- 
tion of the people reached the climax of eagerness to fight. 
The city and State, like the rest of the North, were wrapped 
in one broad, sheeted flame of patriotism. Yet war had 
actually been waged for nearly a year, when the phalanx 
of " constitutional" opinion found its chief philosophical 
champion in the person of Mr. Charles J. Ingersoll, who, in 
March, 1862, published a pamphlet which he called " A 
Letter to a Friend in a Slave State." The purpose of this 
letter, as announced by the author, was to explain to his 
Southern friend " the views of some of the persons in this 
State who regard conciliation as our only available resort, 
and look upon the extreme course of the government as 
ruin." He proceeded to consider the possibilities of peaceable 



16 HISTORY OF THE 

separation, which, he considered, would but engender cease- 
less quarrels. " The sword must make our map at last," he 
affirmed. Next, he treated the question whether it would be 
practicable, in case of Northern success, to hold the South 
by military occupation, and settled this debate in the nega- 
tive. Finally, he reviewed the political history of the 
Union, and demonstrated, to his own satisfaction, that, even 
at this late hour, peace could be made, and would readily be 
made by the South, if the terms were honorable and fair, 
"not following their programme, and omitting disunion. 
The difficulty, I repeat, is not with the South ; it is with the 
North. Doubtless there are other difficulties. . . . But the 
main difficulty is with the North, — the North ruled by the 
Abolitionists. While their dominion lasts, the difficulty is 
insuperable." 

Insuperable, indeed, it remained, though the result was 
very different from that which the pamphleteer predicted. 
His argument was thorough, thoughtful, and sincere. He 
drew abundant illustration from ancient and European 
history. His great mistake was that he was discussing a 
phenomenal revolution which was neither ancient nor Euro- 
pean, but American and modern, and, moreover, totally new 
in its kind of modernness. Still, his performance retains 
value as a pungent and able statement of the opinions held 
at the time by many Philadelphians of cultivation and good 
standing. 

The utterance was not allowed to pass unchallenged, but 
met with a vigorous and polished reply in another pamphlet 
by Judge M. Russell Thayer. Referring to the future his- 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 17 

torian who might turn to Mr. Ingersoll's pamphlet for en- 
lightenment, Mr. Thayer wrote : " While he will observe 
that you proclaim yourself the friend of the Union, he will 
at the same time perceive that your talents are chiefly de- 
voted to an elaborate apology for the traitors who vainly 
attempt to destroy it." Cutting through the ingenious web 
of attempted historic parallels which his antagonist had put 
forward as a snare for the unwary, he showed their in- 
applicability, and firmly laid down the plain, unalterable 
principle on which the war must be maintained. " The 
Constitution of the United States was formed, it is true, by 
compromises ; but is it a corollary from that, that it must be 
broken by compromises, or, in other words, that it is to be 
preserved by breaking it? The advice you give to the 
people of the United States is to compromise in some un- 
mentioned manner and upon some impossible terms (for you 
do not venture to hint at them) with bands of armed insur- 
gents. ... It does not a whit alter the fact that these 
individuals have obtained in some States the control of the 
local government, and use it for purposes hostile to the 
national government. Still, the war is against rebels, and 
not against States." 

In direct, ringing sentences like these, and with tersely 
cogent reasoning, the plausible "Letter to a Friend" was 
refuted. But that single combat in print should have been 
necessary in order to uphold the Union cause at home, 
while battles were being fought at the front, and the papers 
teemed with lists of the sick and wounded coming back to 
Philadelphia, shows how dangerous a power the unpatriotic 



18 HISTORY OF THE 

element retained in that city. An obscure incident which 
occurred in November, 1862, may be mentioned as instan- 
cing the hostility sometimes exerted against those who were 
sacrificing themselves for the preservation of the Republic. 
A mutual benefit society in the lower part of the city, chiefly 
composed of persons belonging to a single church congrega- 
tion, voted to exclude from relief all members who enlisted 
in the service of the country. At about that time one of 
the oldest members died from the effect of wounds received 
at Antietam, and, although his monthly dues had been paid 
regularly, the society refused to give his widow the sum to 
which those payments entitled her. So late as December, 
1862, the North American newspaper, in an item of Balti- 
more news, averred, "The Union feeling in Baltimore is 
stronger at this time than it is in Philadelphia.' ' 

On the other hand, Pennsylvania had taken her stand 
most sturdily on the Union side, and Philadelphia had 
exhibited in many ways an enthusiastic loyalty. Two days 
after the attack on Fort Sumter, sixty-seven influential citi- 
zens drew up and signed a declaration to the President of 
the United States, responding to his proclamation, and de- 
claring their " unalterable determination to sustain the gov- 
ernment in its efforts to maintain the honor, the integrity, 
and the existence of our national Union." A number of the 
signers afterwards became active and valuable members of 
the Union League.* The seventy-fourth anniversary of the 

* Among them were the following : J. I. Clark Hare, Charles Gib- 
bons, Samuel C. Perkins, Daniel Smith, Jr., Morton McMichael, Horace 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 19 

signing of the Constitution of the United States was, on the 
petition of numerous citizens, officially celebrated by the 
city government. Public schools were closed, business was 
suspended, a military procession took place, and an immense 
multitude thronged to hear the oration of the Hon. George 
M. Dallas before a mass -meeting, which passed strongly 
patriotic resolutions and denounced the theory of secession. 
Furthermore, just one year to a day after the great anti- 
coercion meeting at National Hall, a " town-meeting, without 
distinction of party," was held at noon in Independence 
Square, "to express the devotion of the people of Phila- 
delphia to the Union." Up to May, 1862, Pennsylvania 
had sent to the war more troops than any other State, and 
of those one hundred thousand men the ancient seat of the 
Federal government had contributed a becoming share. 
The city distinguished itself in still another way, — by its 
humane provision for the refreshment of regiments as they 
passed through it on their way to service or on the return 
from campaigning. Again, on the President's call for fresh 
levies of three hundred thousand recruits, the merchants, 
manufacturers, and leading men of Philadelphia quickly 
assembled, and subscribed in a few clays the sum of seven 
hundred thousand dollars, to be used in paying bounties to 
volunteers. 



Binney. Jr., Daniel Dougherty, Henry C. Carey, and James W. Paul. 
It is interesting to observe how promptly these gentlemen took that 
position which, later on, they were to enforce by a powerful organiza- 
tion. 



20 HISTORY OF THE 

These facts, however, and the position of Philadelphia as 
the social and financial centre of a loyal Commonwealth, 
made the presence and activity of a faction opposed to the 
government all the more anomalous and injurious. Almost 
at the moment when the bounty fund was being subscribed 
with such liberal readiness, the local friends of the South were 
congratulating themselves that in a few days the rebel army 
would take Philadelphia, and they went so far as to "assign" 
among themselves General Lee's headquarters.* It was not 
so much the size or actual power of this faction which was to 
be dreaded as its boldness of speech, its possibilities of cre- 
ating division, its encouragement to the opposition in other 
States, and its social influence. 

Social convention and the scorn of the }3olite are the dun- 
geon and stake prepared for the modern martyr in the cause 
of reform. Great movements may be hindered and noble 
minds be driven almost to despair by the subtle and seem- 
ingly intangible instruments of oppression which society 
uses against those who attack the prejudices it may have 
chosen to uphold ; and even when a majority of the 23eoi3le 
have adoj3ted an unfashionable idea, the minority which 
reigns in drawing-rooms may still do much to thwart its 
successful development. We have seen that, at the outset 
of the civil conflict, many Philadelphians discovered in the 
relations of manufacture and trade good reason for making 
common cause with the South. Others found it in the ties 



* The house which they had fixed upon for this purpose was the 
Dundas mansion, at the corner of Broad and Walnut Streets. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 21 

of long association, intimate friendship, kinship, and mar- 
riage, which bound them to the inhabitants of the seceding 
States. They were in many instances not Northern men with 
Southern views, — not merely " dough-faces," — but Southern 
men living in the metropolis of a Middle State, which stood 
for the Union despite strong temptations to waver. This 
much may fairly be said on behalf of sundry among them. 
These persons at the same time enjoyed a traditional author- 
ity in circles which claimed to decide who was, or who was 
not, part and parcel of that mysterious yet positive organism 
calling itself — as distinguished from the social body at large 
— "society." Hence it was of moment to counteract what 
they said and did. Doubtless they persuaded themselves 
that their attitude was dictated by a true regard for the 
Constitution ; but doubtless, also, they would have been glad 
of rebel successes, which would have justified by bitter force 
their personal opinions, and again reinstated them as popular 
leaders, in addition to their dignity as the heads of society. 

Current comment is invaluable in historic retrospect. 
The editor of The Press, in November, 1862, remarked on 
the condition of affairs in Philadelphia in these words : " We 
should all do faithfully what we can to unite and intensify 
public sentiment in favor of the administration. . . . The 
enemy is busy in influencing and changing public opinion. 
In Philadelphia we see them diligently comforting one an- 
other, counselling together, gathering strength, and quietly 
combining to undermine and destroy the nation. All the 
splendor of brilliant society and the fascination of social 
intercourse are combined to accomplish this woful purpose." 



22 HISTORY OF THE 

The tone of conversation is well indicated in an essay, pub- 
lished more than ten years ago, by one of the founders 
of the Union Club, now President of the Union League.* 
" The social condition," says Mr. Boker, " had changed 
vastly since the traitors among us had slunk away before 
the spirit which blazed out at the news of the firing upon 
Sumter. Gradually our secret foes had emerged from their 
seclusion, taking their wonted social places, and boasting to 
their foreign visitors that, in what was called 'unmixed 
society/ they ordered matters, and that all gentlemen would 
soon be of their way of thinking. The President was vulgar, 
the administration was vulgar, and the people who waged 
it were of the common sort, who would shortly receive a 
merited castigation from the gentlemen of the South, whom 
the herd was vainly endeavoring to deprive of their biblical, 
heaven-decreed, constitutional, natural carnal property." 

The dissentients here referred to undoubtedly warpecl the 
minds of visitors from abroad, whom they entertained and 
impressed. Anthony Trollope, among other Englishmen 
who hastened to this country in order to take notes of its 
throes in articulo mortis, found, for the first time on his tour 
through the North, " live secessionists" in Philadelphia, — 
" secessionists who pronounced themselves to be such. . . . 
I generally found in mixed society, even there, that the 
discussion of secession was not permitted ; but in society that 
was not mixed I heard very strong opinions expressed on 



* A Memorial of the Union Club of Philadelphia. By George H. 
Boker. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1871. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 23 

each side." There were a few, in the very strongholds of 
the social autocrats, who remained true. But even Trollope, 
who regretfully believed that secession would triumph, was 
moved by the prevalent declarations of disloyalty which he 
observed here to exclaim, " Surely these people of the 
United States have fallen from the proud patriotism of their 
forefathers. Their devotion to their flag is a vain boast, an 
absurd and unmeaning rhapsody. They see their friends 
and countrymen dying to sustain their country, and yet to 
them it is nothing more than the jest of an idle hour. What 
can be hoped for in a nation when its intellect and wealth 
and education are thus found aiding its enemies ?" 

Such imputations were intolerable to those who knew on 
what partial accounts they were founded. To provide an 
antidote for them, and to suppress likewise the incipient 
rebeldom from which they emanated, became the object of 
a few resolute friends of the Union, who determined to bring 
together by some new compact those who were of like mind 
with them. 



24 HISTORY OF THE 



III. 

THE UNION CLUB: GEM OF THE LEAGUE. 

The year 1862 opened with a series of brilliant successes 
for the Northern arms, but drew towards its close amid dark 
shadows of defeat; so that the outcome of the struggle looked 
even more doubtful than if victory had not at first raised 
such sanguine hopes that the rebellion would speedily be 
crushed. 

In February, Fort Henry had succumbed to Commodore 
Foote, and Fort Donelson to General Grant, the State of 
Kentucky and part of Tennessee being thus liberated from 
Confederate control. The dearly-bought victory at Shiloh 
and the capture of Corinth followed. Island Number Ten 
had surrendered, and the main obstacle to the descent of the 
Mississippi was thereby removed ; while Admiral Farragut, 
moving from below, effected the capture of New Orleans and 
Baton Rouge. The rebels had been driven out of New 
Mexico, and were giving way in Arkansas. Even Alabama 
had been invaded by General Mitchell. On the south, 
Fort Pulaski, at the mouth of the Savannah, had early been 
reduced. In the east, also, Roanoke Island was forced to 
yield to Burnside and Commodore Goldsborough ; Norfolk 
and Newberne were occupied ; Fort Macon, in South Caro- 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 25 

lina, was taken. All this had been accomplished before the 
middle of the year, and in March a " Grand Union Ball" 
was given at Philadelphia " in honor of the recent brilliant 
victories." Meanwhile, too, after long delay, McClellan had 
brought his army to within a few miles of Richmond. The 
fall of that capital was deemed a foregone conclusion. What 
had been styled the " anaconda" policy of slowly surround- 
ing the Confederacy with a huge mailed coil and squeezing 
it to death, was supposed to be on the eve of its consumma- 
tion. 

Suddenly reverses began in the terrible Seven Days' 
Battle, which resulted in a withdrawal from the Peninsula. 
This was quickly followed by Pope's bloody defeat in the 
second Battle of Bull Run ; and McClellan's return to com- 
mand brought nothing better than the costly sacrifice made 
at Antietam, without preventing the escape of Lee. Buell's 
drawn battle with Bragg, at Perryville, Kentucky, was 
hardly more encouraging. Inaction prevailed along the 
rest of the line. Antietam and Perryville checked the 
invasion of Maryland and Kentucky ; but the fact that the 
Union forces were now so largely on the defensive empha- 
sized the great change which had taken place in the situa- 
tion. At the same time, the rebel General Stuart's raid into 
Pennsylvania carried the war distinctly into the North. 

Encouraged by these disasters, the Democrats opposed to 
the war rallied their forces and elected Horatio Seymour 
Governor of New York. Their friends in Pennsylvania 
became active and exultant ; and if a formidable barrier had 
not been opposed to the movements of the revived peace 

4 



26 HISTORY OF THE 

party in this State, a Democratic governor would probably 
have been chosen at the next election in Pennsylvania, with 
results possibly fatal to the cause for which so many gallant 
men had already laid down their lives. Such a barrier was, 
however, formed. It first took shape as the Union Club. In 
the minds of several citizens the thought had arisen that 
something might be done by combination to overcome the 
cumulative influence of the treasonous. These gentlemen, 
among whom were Judge J. I. Clark Hare, Mr. George H. 
Boker, Mr. Charles Gibbons, the late Benjamin Gerhard, and 
the late Horace Binney, Jr., had from the time of the first 
threats against Fort Sumter adopted the custom of meeting 
informally to talk over public affairs at the office of the North 
American newspaper. In the person of the editor, the late 
Morton McMichael, previously High Sheriff of Philadelphia 
for several years, and warmly esteemed for his large heart 
and strong mental grasp, no less than for his gift of sponta- 
neous and glowing eloquence, they found a congenial friend. 
There existed in the casual association of these earnest 
thinkers a ready nucleus for the club, so soon as its forma- 
tion was suggested. The immediate occasion of that project 
was furnished in part by an incident in the social history of 
the city. From the year 1798 there had existed in Phila- 
delphia a custom of weekly reunions of gentlemen during 
the winter season, which had its rise in entertainments given 
by Dr. Caspar Wistar. After his death, in 1818, the at- 
tendants at these receptions resolved themselves into an 
association called "The Wistar Party," and continued to 
meet. The social intercourse afforded by the Wistar Party 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 27 

was highly prized by those who enjoyed its privileges, either 
as members or guests ; but when the civil Avar broke out, 
differences of opinion became so sharp, and so much bitter 
discussion penetrated the circle, that the association ceased. 
Political rancor, in fact, marred all forms of social assembly 
for those whose principles made it hard for them to let 
disloyal utterances pass unchallenged ; and as the war went 
on, the friends of the Union felt more and more strongly the 
need of meeting where they should not be made to feel that 
their dearest principles and most solemn convictions marked 
them as objects of ridicule, scorn, or commiseration. 

"In this miserable condition of public and private affairs," 
says Mr. Boker's Memorial, " on one of the darkest days of 
that gloomy month of November, 1862, Judge J. I. Clark 
Hare and the writer of this article met in Seventh Street 
between Chestnut and Sansom Streets. We fell into a con- 
versation which was little better than a conrparison of sor- 
rows. The thought that seemed to move Judge Hare most 
deeply was that while we, the inhabitants of a loyal city, 
were thus cast down before the ill fortunes of our country, 
men who were almost leagued with the Southern traitors 
were walking with' high heads among our people, openly 
exulting in our discomfiture, and eagerly waiting for the day 
of our utter overthrow. ' Is there no remedy for this state of 
things V said Judge Hare. ' Can we not, at least, withdraw 
from all social relations with disloyal men and set up a 
society of our own?' He continued the subject by sketching 
the plan for an association which, substantially, was that 
which was soon after adopted by the Union Club." Mr. 



28 HISTORY OF THE 

Boker agreed to go at once to the office of Mr. McMichael 
and talk the scheme over with him. This he did, and the 
two were drawing up a list of those who were to be asked to 
join the club, when Mr. Gerhard entered. He was at once 
informed of the design, and enthusiastically approved it, 
offering to have the first meeting at his own house. It took 
place there, accordingly, " on or about the 15th of Novem- 
ber, 1862." 

So tentative was this beginning that the notes of invitation 
were sent out unsigned, and merely stated that there would 
be a meeting of loyal men at Mr. Gerhard's house, 226 South 
Fourth Street, for a patriotic purpose. This was not done 
from a want of courage, for the movers in the scheme were 
determined to assert loyalty as a social force at all hazards, 
and however few their coadjutors might be. But in those 
days there was no* certainty as to how their proposition would 
be received even by men of their own political faith ; and 
it was necessary to proceed cautiously. A small number — 
from a dozen to fifteen — answered to the call, and listened 
to the plan submitted for their consideration ; but nothing 
more was done then, and not much enthusiasm was shown. 
A second meeting was held one week later, on the evening 
of November 22, at the house of George H. Boker, 1720 
Walnut Street. Here twenty-four gentlemen were present. 
A standing committee had meanwhile been formed,* and 

* Composed as follows: Morton McMichael, Chairman; J. I. C. 
Hare, Charles Gibbons, Benjamin Gerhard ; George H. Boker, Secre- 
tary. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 29 

brief articles of association for the new Union Club of 
Philadelphia had been drawn up, which were now adopted. 
These limited the number of members to fifty, and added, 
" The condition of membership shall be unqualified loyalty 
to the government of the United States, and unwavering 
support of its measures for the suppression of the Rebellion." 
It was further provided that the Club should meet, during 
months to be named by the committee, every Saturday night, 
at eight o'clock, at the house of a member, and that the 
member giving the entertainment should be free to invite 
persons not belonging to the Club, provided their opinions 
were in harmony with the condition of membership just 
quoted. 

It will be seen that by this plan the Wistar Party tradi- 
tion of assembling on Saturday evenings at members' houses 
had been skilfully seized upon, at the same time that all 
disaffected persons were rigorously excluded. That was a 
sagacious measure, for it implied that this group of unquali- 
fied Unionists had succeeded to the high social rights and 
privileges of the Wistar Party, and meant to make its 
opinions fashionable. A sympathetic observer, who was 
prevented by absence from taking part, has since said that 
the purpose of the Union Club was virtually to create " an 
organized respectability of Federalists or Unionists, as op- 
posed to the aristocracy of .Secessionists." Now that a deci- 
sive step had been taken, enthusiasm and support increased 
rapidly. One instance will show how eager those were to 
join who believed in the purposes of the association, and how 
important it was thought to give in their adhesion. Mr. 



3() HISTORY OF THE 

J. B. Lippincott, the eminent publisher, was at the turning- 
point of a typhoid fever just when it was desired that he 
should become a member ; so that it was not thought safe 
to bring the subject before him. The attending physician 
was asked to watch for the first opportunity to propose to 
him his accession, when it could be done without risk to the 
patient, and Mr. Lippincott signed the articles while still 
unable to rise from his bed. The Club had been formed 
quietly, and, as we have seen, with a certain amount of 
hesitation. Its numbers were small, and its function was 
to be limited to moral support of the government, without 
taking public political action as a body. But its power was 
soon felt. It produced a social revolution. 

The indignation and opposition of those whom it shut out 
were prompt and intense. Hitherto Philadelphia society 
had been ruled by rigorous distinctions, often arbitrary, but 
entirely irreversible ; and those who had made the distinc- 
tions were in general Southern in their leanings. For 
people in " mixed society" to band together with an express 
proviso that reflected on the desirability of intercourse with 
these reigning powers seemed a daring offence against the 
canons of the old coteries. Worse than that, sundry of the 
members of those very coteries were among the new cov- 
enanters on behalf of the Union. Again, the fact that they 
stepped into the place left vacant by the disbanded Wistar 
Party was exasperating, and it may have added to the irri- 
tation that the new circle adopted a card of invitation closely 
modelled on that which had been used by the older associa- 
tion. In place of the portrait of Dr. Wistar there appeared 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 31 

on the Union Club card an engraving of the United States 
flag upon a slanting staff, surrounded by a circle of thirty- 
two stars against a shaded ground, with the name of the 
Club above. Otherwise, in size and the form of wording, 
it was almost precisely the same. Shortly after the Union 
Club went into operation there appeared in a virulent Cop- 
perhead evening paper a paragra23h giving the names of all 
the members, and announcing that within the next few 
weeks the houses of those gentlemen would be sacked. The 
threat was never carried out, and emanated from no very 
responsible source ; but, in its blatant way, it doubtless re- 
flected the animosity existing among more cultivated opjDO- 
nents of the war. But their ridicule and anger were alike 
unavailing. Their influence from that hour began to wane, 
and was never recovered. The struggle continued for several 
years, both in the social field and that of journalism and 
politics ; but, with the end of the war, the old standards 
passed away, and society in PhiladeljDhia was no doubt 
materially changed and liberalized as a result of the stand 
taken by the Union Club. I have thought it worth while 
to dwell on this side of the subject, because at the time it was 
a vital one. Trivial though a social oj)position may seem in 
looking back, after it has been overpowered, it was a serious 
consideration to those who experienced or exercised it. An- 
other important consideration is that the Club's success in 
creating a centre of loyalty in local society cleared the ground 
for that larger work which it was to accomplish, the estab- 
lishment of the Union League. Alluding to this period, 
of which he had full personal knowledge, the Hon. John 



32 



HISTORY OF THE 



Russell Young writes, " I do not think anything during the 
war was of more value to the cause of the Union than the 
vigorous and self-denying efforts of these gentlemen who 
founded the Union League, and who laid down the principle 
that in a crisis like that which then existed even social 
influences should be devoted to strengthening the adminis- 
tration, reorganizing the Republican party, and giving life 
and force to the Union movement." 

The personal quality of the Union Club is discernible 
through a glance at the following list of its constituents : 

MEMBERS OF THE UNION CLUB. 



Morton McMichael, 
J. I. C. Hare, 
Charles Gibbons, 
Benjamin Gerhard, 
George H. Boker, 
A. E. Borie, 
John M. Read, 
Singleton A. Mercer, 
E. Spencer Miller, 
Horace Binney, Jr., 
Stephen Colwell, 
James W. Paul, 
John Ashhurst, 
Henry C. Carey, 
William Henry Rawle, 
Samuel J. Reeves, 
Alfred D. Jessup, 
Abraham J. Lewis, 
Charles L. Borie, 



Frederick Fraley, 
J. G. Fell, 
Alexander Brown, 
William H. Ashhurst, 
Dr. W. C. Swann, 
Daniel Dougherty, 
George H. Trott, 
Fairman Rogers, 
Robert B. Cabeen, 
John B. Myers, 
William M. Tilghman, 
A. J. Antelo, 
C. H. Clark, 
Ferdinand J. Dreer, 
James L. Claghorn, 
Edwin M. Lewis, 
Henry M. Watts, 
Thomas A. Biddle, 
Daniel Smith, Jr., 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 33 

Theodore Frothingham, S. Y. Merrick, 

Charles J. Peterson, Gen. George Cadwalader, 

George Whitney, William Sellers, 

Joseph Harrison, Jr., Joseph B. Townsend, 

William D. Lewis, B. H. Moore, 

Joshua B. Lippincott, James Milliken, 

John H. Towne, Abraham Barker, 

Ward B. Haseltine, John P. Yerree, 

S. M. Felton, Dr. John F. Meigs, 
John Eussell Young. 



Here were men of the highest character, and representing 
many kinds of ability. Mr. Rawle, Mr. Tilghman, Judge 
Hare (son of the distinguished chemist, Robert Hare), and 
Charles Gibbons brought to the cause their reputation as 
among the most brilliant and able men of the Philadelphia 
bar. The presence of Horace Binney, Jr., carried with it 
the sanction of his distinguished father's sympathy and the 
grace of his own scholarship. Retiring and a student, he 
had taken command of a volunteer company during the riots 
of 1844, and now again came forward to exercise the higher 
duties of citizenship. Mr. Boker, a man of leisure who had 
earned fame as a poet, Daniel Dougherty, renowned for 
political and forensic oratory, Mr. J. Gillingham Fell, and 
Mr. Antelo, were all Democrats, whose warm co-operation 
indicated the unpartisan aim of the Club. The name of 
Henry C. Carey, as that of the most original American 
political economist, was in itself a power. Then, again, the 
banking interest had for exponents the Bories and Mr. 
Barker ; that of manufacturers, William Sellers and George 



34 HISTORY OF THE 

Whitney; and Mr. Claghorn stood for mercantile affairs. 
The father of Abraham Barker was that Jacob Barker who 
took the whole government loan in the War of 1812, and at 
a later day maintained in New Orleans abolition principles 
which his son inherited. Mr. Peterson and Mr. Lippincott 
were, as they still remain, the heads of large publishing 
houses ; while Mr. McMichael and Mr. Young supplied links 
of vital contact with the press. Holding a high place in the 
faculty of medicine, Dr. John F. Meigs, although a Georgian 
by birth, illustrated in his own person the maxim that true 
patriotism should not be confined to any one section of the 
country. Almost without exception, in short, the member- 
ship was significant, — deeply and widely so. Another ele- 
ment of strength included by it lay in the diversity of ages. 
Many of the members were in the prime of life ; others 
were getting well beyond the meridian : so that with the 
glowing force of younger manhood was combined the mod- 
eration of riper age. The spirit which prevailed at the 
meetings was one of great cordiality, and, though they were 
marked by the ceremonious dress of evening parties, the 
general footing was one of informal friendship. Authors, 
journalists, and strangers of distinction often came as guests, 
and the conversation was brilliant. But it was impossible 
that an assembly possessing such varied and remarkable 
traits of force as this one did should rest satisfied with these 
results. 

The best means of enlarging their sphere of action soon 
came under consideration ; and when the Union Club had 
been in existence just seven weeks, articles of association for 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 35 

the Union League were presented to the members, and were 
signed by nearly all the large company present. 'This was 
done at the house of Dr. John F. Meigs, 1208 Walnut 
Street. Dr. Meigs himself was soon after obliged, by the 
pressure of professional engagements, to resign from the 
Union Club, and the same cause prevented his taking any 
active share in the work of the League. The Union Club 
continued its meetings independently until November 11, 
1865, when it was resolved to give them up and hold an 
annual dinner only. 

Thus out of the gloom which had disheartened men was 
evolved that agency which was to do much towards securing 
the triumph they desired. As a prism refracts ordinary 
daylight, dispersing it into its component rays, so the moment 
this Club had crystallized, it showed that so long as there 
was any light left at all there could be found in it — when 
passed through a proper medium — the rainbow hues of hope. 



36 HISTORY OF THE 



IV. 

THE LEAGUE FOUNDED -EFFECT ON NEW YORK AND BOSTON. 

The only outward sign that anything unusual was con- 
templated at the regular meeting of the Union Club at Dr. 
Meigs's house on December 27, 1862, was given in the 
words "business meeting," written on the invitation cards, 
near one of the lower corners. 

When, however, the company had assembled, the scheme 
which had been perfected was presented to their attention, 
the late Stephen Colwell presiding, and Mr. Charles Gibbons 
acting as secretary. Fundamental articles for the proposed 
association had been drawn up by Mr. Gibbons, whose posi- 
tion as a lawyer and uncompromising devotion to the prin- 
ciples involved qualified him well for the task.* 

Debate arose as to whether a new name should be selected 
for the new body, or whether it should simply transfer to 
itself the title of the Club already existing. Mr. Gibbons 
had originated the term "Union League;" but others favored 
retaining the appellation of Union Club. Arguments were 
advanced to support the former ; and perhaps the precedent 
of the "solemn league and covenant" made at Boston in 

* See Documentary History for the articles as finally adopted. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 37 

1774, to ratify as against Great Britain the non-importation 
and non-consumption agreement recommended by the Gen- 
eral Court, — added to some association with that earlier 
Solemn League and Covenant in 1643, for preserving 
the Reformed religion in Scotland and England, — had 
an influence in shaping the decision. The designation 
Union League was finally chosen. The articles at first 
prescribed that members should not maintain any business 
or social relation with persons whose loyalty was open to 
question, showing how strenuous was the desire to define 
beyond all cavil the position and purpose of the new asso- 
ciation. Two individuals of the party at Dr. Meigs's, how- 
ever, refused to pledge themselves to this condition ; and 
since it was important to secure unanimity, the clause was 
amended, though not without protest, and social proscription 
of individuals belonging to the peace party was not made 
obligatory. But ultimately the result was much the same 
as if it had been accepted, for party feeling ran so high that 
the majority of those signing the League covenant did actually 
cut off all social connection with their political opponents, 
and in many cases ceased to recognize them on the street. 

A standing committee was appointed at this meeting, 
consisting of Benjamin Gerhard, Charles Gibbons, William 
H. Ashhurst, George H. Boker, James L. Claghorn, Horace 
Binney, Jr., Morton McMichael, J. I. C. Hare, and Joseph B. 
Townsend. But even at this time the full range of the League's 
possibilities was not generally foreseen by the subscribers. 
The prevalent conception was that a reading-room should be 
opened, where the well-disposed might assemble to learn the 



38 HISTORY OF THE 

latest news and to hold salutary consultation. Some, however, 
knew that more than this would be necessary ; and Messrs. 
Ashhurst and Claghorn speedily resolved on taking a com- 
modious house for the new loyal club. The building selected 
by them was the old Hartmann Kuhn house, 1118 Chestnut 
Street, which they engaged a/t a rent that appeared to many of 
the more timid entirely unwarranted. On January 6, 1863, 
Mr. Claghorn, as Treasurer, issued a circular requesting the 
payment of fees, " the League being now organized," and on 
February 6, 1863, there appeared in one of the newspapers 
a notice to "the members of the association known as the 
Union League," that the club-house in Chestnut Street would 
be open the following Monday night, February 9. The day 
before this a long letter was published in the same journal* 
defending the recently formed Club against bitter attacks 
which had been made upon it publicly in print, and in the 
same issue is found a communication signed " Democracy," 
breathing threats that a Democratic Committee of Safety 
might soon be formed to retaliate for arrests on the part of 
provost-marshals, by taking into custody prominent Republi- 
cans. Such was still the divided state of popular feeling. 

The League house was not opened formally until February 
23, 1863, although the first general meeting was held Janu- 
ary 22, in Concert Hall. Before that date Mr. Boker had 
gone to work in his capacity of Secretary, and sat at his desk 
daily, taking the names of additional subscribers. Quite 
early during this process two elderly and respected citizens 

* The Press. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 39 

came to him, saying, " We think this is a good movement, 
and would like to put our names down. But, Mr. Boker, 
what is it that you really intend doing ?" 

" We intend to take treason by the throat !" was the reso- 
lute answer. 

The two candidates turned pale for a moment, startled by 
so vehement a declaration ; but they presently gave in their 
adhesion to the terse programme it embodied. 

While the work of the committee was going on it became 
apparent that something could be done to assist the building 
up of an organization in New York similar to that which 
they were directing. Some time in November, 1862, several 
members of the Union Club who were engaged in the Sani- 
tary Commission met Dr. Bellows in the cars, returning from 
Washington. They told him of the movement already set 
on foot in Philadelphia. Correspondence had sprung up 
shortly before this between Professor Wolcott Gibbs and 
Frederick Law Olmsted, of New York — both friends of 
Dr. Bellows — concerning the advisability of an association 
among the loyal men of that city ; but nothing had been 
accomplished. The project received a fresh impetus from 
this conversation with the Philadelphia gentlemen ; but be- 
fore any final step had been taken the Union League was 
developed. A little earlier than this — in December, and 
before the first battle of Fredericksburg — Judge Hare met 
Professor Gibbs on the street in New York, and unfolded to 
him the larger scheme which had been matured as an out- 
growth of the Union Club. His listener was apparently 
much struck ; and as a consequence of these two conferences 



40 HISTORY OF THE 

the Philadelphia Union League sent over to New York, in 
January, 1863, a committee, to explain, for the benefit of 
those in New York who wished to follow their example, the 
plan which had been hit upon in Philadelphia.* They 
were received at the house of Mr. George Strong, and set 
forth their views at length. Dr. Bellows then rose and said, 
" Gentlemen of New York, I am satisfied with what we have 
heard, and I move that we adjourn to the next room for 
conference." His motion was acted upon, and after a short 
time the group returned, President King of Columbia Col- 
lege turning to the visitors with the words, " Gentlemen of 
Philadelphia, we hope to organize here a club which shall 
exceed yours in numbers and equal it in efficiency." Later 
in the month of January an informal committee headed by 
Judge Hare went to New York to renew the conclave al- 
ready held, and on this occasion, the New York Union 
League Club not having been as yet perfected, the Phila- 
delphia delegates gave to their New York friends a dinner 
at the Astor House. It may have been at this dinner that 
the proposal was made that some of the patriots who pur- 
posed a similar combination in New York should attend 
the public opening of the Philadelphia League's house on 
February 23. 

The Union League of Philadelphia ratified its articles and 
came into being December 27, 1862. The Union League 
Club of New York did not adopt the report of its Committee 



* This committee consisted of J. I. Clark Hare, Horace Binney, Jr., 
William Welsh, Alexander Brown, Ellis Yarnall, and George Trott. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 41 

on Organization until February 21, 1863, nearly two months 
later. Its formation was effected almost wholly at the sug- 
gestion, and certainly with the immediate advice and guiding 
aid, of the Philadelphia League, from whose articles it bor- 
rowed the first section, word for word, with tw T o exceptions.* 

It was one of the ardent wishes of the parent organization 
to stimulate the creation of leagues harmonious with itself in 
other cities and States. This early success in producing so 
marked an effect upon New York was a striking testimony 
to the moral impression it had begun to make in the very 
first weeks of its existence. An understanding was also ar- 
rived at that, in the task of promoting further organization, 
the Union League Club should take New York and New 
England for its field, while the Union League of Philadel- 
phia should direct its efforts upon all places to the west of 
that region ; but, as a matter of fact, the Union Club of 
Boston drew its inspiration immediately from the League in 
Philadelphia. The preliminary meeting of the Boston or- 
ganization was held February 4, 1863, at the house of Dr. 
Samuel G. Ward, " for the j>urpose of considering the expe- 
diency of forming a club in this city on principles resembling 
those of the Union League of Philadelphia. "f Mr. Edwin 

* For further details as to the date of beginning the Union League 
Club of New York, see Documentary History. 

f Of this meeting, Edward Everett was chairman, and Martin 
Brimmer secretary. A letter was read, recounting what had been 
achieved in Philadelphia; and a committee of fifteen gentlemen of 
the highest character and influence was appointed, which prepared 
articles. The preamble and first clause were copied almost literally 



42 HISTORY OF THE 

P. Whipple, who was a member of the club thus formed, 
writes that "its effect was to make patriotism fashionable. 
Its political power consisted, I think, in informing the rich 
and fashionable people that they would lose caste if they 
became Copperheads." The fact that this was thought 
needful in Boston throws into still stronger relief the neces- 
sity which had existed in Philadelphia. But the Boston 
club was less aggressively courageous, and expressly bound 
itself not to take any associate action " on any political 
question or subject." 

William Morris Meredith, eminent in the annals of Penn- 
sylvania jurisprudence, was unanimously chosen President 
of the League at the first general meeting, January 22, 1863, 
and the choice was a wise one. Efficient in State politics, 
Secretary of the Treasury under President Taylor, carrying 
great weight by his character and social standing, and at 
the date of the war made Attorney- General of Pennsyl- 
vania by Governor Curtin, his position was such as to 
command general attention to his act in accepting the 
headship of the new body. Moreover, since he had been 
a member of the Peace Congress at the beginning of seces- 
sion, it was to be supposed that his attitude would be a 
judiciously conservative one as regarded the present move- 
ment ; so that his presence would naturally draw many 
moderate and hesitating men into its current. The four 

from the Philadelphia document. The second clause was altered to 
suit the local conditions. Instead of the words " discountenance and 
rebuke ... all disloyalty," etc., it read, " the encouragement and dis- 
semination of patriotic sentiment and opinion." 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 43 

Vice-Presidents — W. H. Ashhurst, Horace Binney, Jr., 
John B. Myers, and Adolph E. Borie — were also elected 
unanimously. The choice of directors fell with equal 
unanimity upon Messrs. McMichael, Hare, Gibbons, Clag- 
horn, Gerhard, Townsend, Boker, George Whitney, and 
John B. Kenney. 

At length the preparations of the Standing Committee 
were so far advanced that they decided to celebrate Wash- 
ington's birthday at the League house. The anniversary 
fell on a Sunday, and the celebration — which brought about 
the first large social assembly of members — did not come off 
until Monday, February 23. Mr. Meredith's official duties 
detaining him, Horace Binney, Jr., presided, introduced by 
Mr. McMichael. The rooms were brilliantly decorated; 
flags draped the windows and doorways, and at an early 
hour the house was crowded. Governor Curtin, who had 
been the first executive to reinforce the demoralized national 
army after Bull Bun, and the first governor who had his 
State officially represented at Washington in caring for the 
interests of soldiers in the field, attended the reception, and 
spoke after Mr. Binney had offered him a permanent and 
hearty welcome on behalf of the League. The Union 
League Club of New York was represented by Dr. Bellows 
and President King. The first said, " After looking around 
on this assembly and hearing your Governor speak, it seems 
as if Pennsylvania alone should crush the rebellion, and I 
feel I should not offer you New York to aid in the under- 
taking." President King was cordial in his acknowledgment 
of the important action which had been taken. " In New 



44 HISTORY OF THE 

York," he said, " we will gladly imitate the example set us 
and co-operate with you. . . . We are in New York very 
powerless of good. ... It is fit that in the city of the Hall 
of Independence we should come here and learn that our 
government must last forever. We carry out your precepts." 
Messrs. James Milliken, Frederick Fraley, William D. 
Lewis, Daniel Dougherty, M. Russell Thayer, and Rev. 
J. W. Jackson also made addresses,* after which Mr. Bin- 
ney announced that the League house would be open every 
Monday night for members, to give opportunity for a general 
meeting and conversation. 

The maledictions of the dissatisfied had been loud, in 
both speech and print, and political opponents had even 
averred that the Leaguers would never be allowed to take 
possession of their building peaceably. The committee made 
arrangements to thwart the riot thus predicted by laying in 
a supply of axe-helves and stationing a force of police in the 
grounds at the side of the house ; but the turbulent spirits 
of the opposition were cowed, and the inauguration went 
off peaceably, amid an enthusiasm which augured well for 
the success of the League. 

* See Documentary History. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 45 



V. 

FIRST YEAR OF THE LEAGUE. 

The League had no sooner been set in motion than it was 
imitated in other places, and a growing wave of enthusiasm 
flowed forth from it, bringing invigoration to all whom it 
touched. Men of sound sentiment everywhere felt them- 
selves strengthened by this timely influence, and soldiers at 
the front sent back to the founders a hearty hail of gratitude 
and encouragement, and in some cases asked to be enrolled 
as members. That which Judge Hare had looked forward 
to as the outcome of this movement — a general " touching of 
the elbows," to make friends of the Union feel that they 
stood firm in the midst of a great homogeneous mass — was 
coming to pass : they were now joined in a mighty phalanx. 
And this moral cohesion, previously so much missed, was 
destined to exert an influence of almost immeasurable im- 
portance. 

Not the least striking of the first effects was the revolution 
in popular sentiment which soon began to manifest itself in 
Philadelphia ; and with this there appeared a boldness of 
self-assertion on the part of the loyal, which had not existed 
until then. Indeed, their spirit once aroused, it became 
difficult to restrain some of the hotter heads from acts of 



46 HISTORY OF THE 

violence in retaliation for the threats and revilings bestowed 
upon them by their opponents. When the tide of feeling 
had begun fairly to turn, sedate citizens were sometimes 
surprised of a morning to find halters hanging from street 
lamp-posts, with inscriptions attached, stating that this was 
the remedy designed for virulent peace advocates, who were 
specified by name. The men who directed the League, 
however, discouraged such ebullitions, and the conservative 
counsel of the Secretary, Mr. Boker, was especially effica- 
cious in this way. The President having little time for the 
actual superintendence of League affairs, the Secretary, who 
gave his days and nights unremittingly to the work, assumed 
charge of them, and became naturally a target for hostility. 
Nor must it be imagined that the post was without actual 
danger. These active members of the League, though re- 
maining at home in a Northern city, were sometimes exposed 
to as much peril as they would have been on the battle- 
ground. One night, during a period of great excitement 
and in the midst of a dense crowd, an enemy of the cause 
confronted Mr. Boker in front of the League house and 
levelled a revolver at him. " I've got you now !" cried the 
would-be assassin, with a burst of profanity, putting his 
finger on the trigger. The Secretary was unarmed and only 
a few feet from the muzzle of the revolver ; but he defied 
his assailant in language as energetic as the emergency de- 
manded, telling him to fire like the coward he was. Fortu- 
nately, a friend in the crowd struck the revolver aside, and 
the man was dragged off by his more prudent comrades. 
Facing opposition of this extreme kind, as well as of others, 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 47 

the Leaguers preserved a resolute front, but were not hurried 
into any answering violence, and pursued their objects with 
increased tenacity and success. 

The practical conduct of the enterprise was promptly 
taken in hand by the Standing Committee, which held its 
first meeting January 5, and came together at intervals 
of from two to five days. Mr. Charles Gibbons was ap- 
pointed a committee to draft By-Laws for the League, with 
power to associate with himself Messrs. Kenney and S. B. 
Thomas ; and measures were taken to procure a charter. 
The By-Laws were unanimously adopted January 22, at 
the first League meeting. Early in March, also, it was re- 
solved, on Mr. Gibbons's motion, to celebrate the national 
anniversary.* 

Among other resolutions taken at this time was one ad- 
mitting to the privileges of the League, without fee, any 
clergyman who should subscribe to the fundamental articles ; 
and there was also an Elective Committeef appointed by the 
President, to pass upon applicants for membership. 

The immediate inspiration of the League extended to 
Washington, Baltimore, Delaware, and westward even to 
San Francisco ; so that it became necessary to create a com- 
mittee for the purpose of encouraging and assisting the 

* The committee in charge of this entertainment consisted of 
Messrs. McMichael, Whitney, Gibbons, Claghorn, and Boker. 

f Messrs. Charles Gibbons, Wilson C. Swann, James Milliken, Cad- 
walader Biddle, William H. Kern, James W. Paul, W. Eotch Wister, 
George Erety, E. Spencer Miller, John Eice, George J. Gross, Edwin 
Greble, and Fairman Eogers. 



48 HISTORY OF THE 

organization of Union Leagues in Pennsylvania and else- 
where, and to answer the applications in regard to this 
matter, which poured in from all parts of the country. This 
they did in part by means of a printed circular.* Even the 
different wards in the city of Philadelphia set to work to 
establish their special and subsidiary Leagues; and a popular 
institution called the National Union Club, exacting only 
nominal fees, was started in sympathy with the League 
proper and received its co-operation. It was complained by 
some of the friends of the Union that the League itself was 
taking too nearly the mould of an ordinary social club. 
They asserted that a body meeting in an elegant house, 
" with lace curtains in the windows," never could produce a 
revolution. But these persons were lacking in discernment. 
About the middle of February, Mr. Gerhard moved that a 
committee of three be named, with power to add to its num- 
bers, for the purpose of printing and circulating information ; 
and Mr. Gerhard himself, with Messrs. Ashhurst and Town- 
send, were constituted such a committee. This was the 
beginning of one of the most extensive and effectual func- 
tions exercised by the League during the whole war period. 
With a changed membership, and under the name of the 
Board of Publication, it circulated during 1863 more than 
one million copies of the League's own publications, besides 
many from other sources, sowing broadcast the seeds of a 
healthier public opinion. A simple badge of light blue 
silk, bearing the name of the League in gold, was brought 

* See Documentary History. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 49 

into use as a means of fostering the general spirit of brother- 
hood in patriotism. 

If the days had been gloomy when the Union Club sprang 
into existence, the months since then had brought such a 
freight of untoward events, both political and military, as 
might have filled with despair men less determined than the 
Leaguers. Burnside had suffered a terrible rout at Fred- 
ericksburg in December ; Sherman had been repulsed at 
Vicksburg; and the campaign in Tennessee, despite the 
favorable result of the Battle of Murfreesboro', had not yet 
taken a decisive turn. The spring elections of March and 
April showed New Hanrpshire so evenly divided that the 
Republican candidate for governor had not even a plurality ; 
Bhocle Island was carried by a reduced majority ; and the 
majority in Connecticut, though decisive, was less than at 
the previous election. It was evident that dissatisfaction at 
the war, and hopelessness as to the restoring of the Union, 
were gaining a continually stronger hold on the minds of 
voters. In Philadelphia, the opposition thought it could de- 
tect the dawn of a returning supremacy for itself in State 
and national affairs. An indignation meeting of Peace 
Democrats was held in Independence Square, to censure the 
Federal government for the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham ; 
and towards the last of March a new daily paper — The Age 
— had been started to advocate their views. It met with 
immediate success. An attempt was made to counter the 
effect of the League by opening a Democratic club ; but this 
was not so successful, since by the nature of its aims, which 
were negative, it was debarred from coming before the people 



50 HISTORY OF THE 

with a positive and consistent course capable of exciting 
enthusiasm. Nevertheless, great encouragement was fur- 
nished to this party by the majority of the Supreme Court 
of Pennsylvania, which pronounced the Enrollment Act of 
March unconstitutional ; and they were accordingly ready to 
enter with high hopes into the struggle which arose in the 
autumn over this issue, and over the general suspension of 
the writ of habeas corpus by President Lincoln in September. 
The Age, while printing in one column the movements of 
" our forces" in the field, in another column brought to bear 
upon those who were supporting the power that directed such 
forces all the ingenuities of satire, abuse, and political con- 
troversy that seemed likely to weaken the Union cause. It 
accused the Leaguers of being " wolves in sheep's clothing," 
not satisfied with destroying the Constitution, but also brand- 
ing as traitors those who " clung to the provisions of that 
sacred instrument." Their purpose, it averred, was to estab- 
lish a consolidated government in the North, " operating 
directly upon individuals without regard to State relations 
and duties." At another time it offered a series of sarcastic 
resolutions for the Leaguers, the purport of which was that 
so long as any money could be made out of the war it should 
be continued. Again, it called upon them tauntingly to 
prove their patriotism by volunteering for military service. 
Doubtless the editors of such a journal would have been glad 
to see marching away to the war the men who so persistently 
sought to trammel public enemies at home ; but the League 
had been created precisely to do a work which could not be 
effected by cannon and bayonet ; and they continued steadily 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 51 

to prosecute it, bringing more energy to bear the more they 
saw that it was needed. 

An interesting acquisition to the properties of the house 
was made in February through the purchase, by Mr. Ferdi- 
nand J. Dreer and others, of Thomas Sully's portrait of 
Washington, which they presented to the League. The 
artist had already been voted the privileges of the League, 
as an acknowledgment of his courtesy in loaning the picture. 
Later on, Brigadier-General Birney sent to the association 
General Kearney's battle-flag, which was cherished as a 
memento of a singularly gallant officer. The flags of various 
Pennsylvania regiments were collected, stained with faithful 
blood and shredded by the enemy's bullets, but carrying 
emblazoned on their faded folds the names of well-fought 
fields, — symbols of the memories which should never fade, 
though the banners themselves might crumble to dust. 
Swords captured in the fray were hung crossed upon the 
walls here and there, and other interesting relics of battle 
were kept in sight. Over the cornice of the building rose 
the effigy of an American eagle, with the starry national 
ensign ceaselessly waving from a long staff still higher in the 
air ; and the martial souvenirs that greeted the eye on enter- 
ing the lower rooms might well stir in those who beheld 
them a fresh sense of how much was owing to the men who 
had perished in action. Doubtless the spectacle awoke in 
them a thought akin to that of Montrose, in his ringing 
lines to the murdered Charles : 

" I'll sing thy obsequies with trumpet-sounds, 
And write thy epitaph in blood and wounds." 



52 - - HTSTOR V OF THE 

The enlistment of new legions, to avenge the dead and 
justify their sacrifice by helping towards the final triumph, 
afterwards became the special care of the Committee on 
Enlistments, under the chairmanship of Mr. Joseph R. 
Fry, whose labors will be described in another chapter. A 
second committee, appointed April 8, was charged with 
" providing employment for disabled soldiers who have been 
honorably discharged from the United States service."* An- 
other matter of great importance came up in the proposed 
enrollment of negro troops, which involved so much conflict 
with latent prejudice that the officers of the League were 
unwilling to commit the organization to its advocacy. A 
Supervisory Committee for the Enlistment of Colored Troops 
was, however, formed by individuals of the League, which 
had the moral support of the Board of Direction ; and the 
eloquent poem written by the League Secretary, Mr. Boker, 
on the Second Louisiana (the black regiment which dis- 
played its gallantry at Port Hudson) was circulated by the 
Board of Publication with its other documents. The chron- 
icle of this committee must also be reserved for a separate 
chapter. 

The directors early saw the advisability of observing all 

* For this service were selected Messrs. W. Welsh, W. B. Thomas, 
John H. Town, George IN". Tatham, John D. Taylor, Charles Knecht, 
M. Baird, Thomas Kimber, Jr., M. Errickson, James Dougherty, James 
Pollock, John Thompson, Thomas Potter, Dell Noblit, Charles Wheeler, 
"W. Struthers, John Eice, Edwin Greble, James H. Bryson, W. F. Mis- 
key, W. H. Merrick, Joseph S. Lovering, Thomas G-. Hollingsworth, 
John Sellers, Isaac F. Baker, W. C. Baker. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 53 

anniversaries which could be turned to account in affecting 
public sentiment. The chief effort in this direction was to 
be made on July 4, 1863. It was determined to carry out 
a celebration of the national holiday which should surpass 
everything of the kind attempted before. Members of the 
League subscribed a large sum to defray the expenses ; a 
magnificent procession was planned, and numerous commit- 
tees were appointed to take charge of every particular of the 
ceremonies. Other Leagues throughout the country were 
invited to participate ; the clergymen of Philadelphia were 
to be asked to deliver, on the Sunday, the day following the 
4th, sermons from one text, — that inscribed on the bell of 
Independence Hall : " Proclaim liberty throughout the land 
and to all the inhabitants thereof." President Lincoln had 
promised to be present. Citizens were requested to decorate 
their houses, and it was expected that a demonstration would 
be made which would carry conviction in all quarters that 
the manufacturing metrojDolis of the country was fully im- 
bued with an invincible loyalty. This conviction, however, 
was to be conveyed, as it turned out, by means very different 
from those contemplated. 

By the twelfth day of June it had become clear that, leav- 
ing Hooker at the KajDpahannock weakened by his severe 
defeat at Chancellorsville, General Lee was moving upon 
Pennsylvania; one of his main objects, it was afterwards 
believed, being to take advantage of the disaffection still 
rampant there, and precipitate, if possible, an insurrection in 
the North. Pennsylvania was at once divided into military 
departments, under Generals Couch and W. T. H. Brooks. 



54 HISTORY OF THE 

Governor Curtin called on the people to raise a departmental 
corps for State defence. Four days later (June 16) he issued 
a second proclamation, demanding volunteers at once, to 
assist in meeting the President's requisition for fifty thousand 
short-term soldiers from the threatened State. Mayor Henry 
followed with a proclamation urging citizens to close their 
places of business and connect themselves with existing 
military organizations. The State-House bell rang a public 
alarm for the first time in fourteen years. A little later the 
Home Guard and Gray Reserves were ordered out. But 
people in general were half paralyzed by the suddenness of 
the emergency, and delayed about volunteering. In this 
emergency the League felt that its duty was clear to abandon 
the projected celebration and throw itself into the work of 
defence against the invader. The Committee on Enlistment 
was appointed from among the subscribers to the Fourth of 
July fund, with power to equip forces. In a few days they 
had raised eighty thousand dollars, and it was not long be- 
fore they sent three newly-formed regiments to the front, at 
their own expense. Business was now suspended; citizens 
began to arm and drill : instead of the clergymen preparing 
sermons on the chosen text, one hundred of them went out 
to assist in digging intrenchments for the protection of the 
city. A general meeting of the League was called, to be 
held at four o'clock on the afternoon of July 1, the call being 
signed by William D. Lewis, who said, " It is expected, as a 
duty to the cause of the Union, for which the League was 
formed, that every member will be present." A great num- 
ber responded ; and, as the object of their assembling was to 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 55 

form among themselves a military company, to offer its 
services to General Dana, commandant of the defences of 
Philadelphia, a roll was opened, which was promptly signed 
by two hundred members. They then formed in the gardens 
attached to the house, and issuing forth with the League 
banner, preceded by music, paraded through the streets. 
Many of the foremost manufacturers, merchants, clergymen, 
and officials of Philadelphia were in the line, which was 
reviewed by General Dana ; and it was thus made plain that 
these citizens were ready to take their places in the ranks 
the moment that they believed they could best serve the 
country by so doing. The parade drew out much enthu- 
siasm, and its effect on other citizens was inspiriting. But 
the next day brought the crisis of the campaign. Lee and 
Meade met and clashed at Gettysburg, and on the " prom- 
ontory of bayonets" which there jutted out against the foe, 
the tide of rebel invasion was broken. 

The enemies of the government, confident that Lee would 
soon enter the city, had placarded the names of prominent 
individuals in the League, hoping thus to mark them for 
special punishment at the hands of the rebels. But their 
season of vindictive anticipation was brief, and, instead of 
being themselves singled out for special chastisement in re- 
turn, they were left to the more bitter fate of their increasing 
insignificance. So soon as the first half-uncertain tidings 
came that the enemy had been beaten back at Gettysburg, 
the League assembled and marched to the house occupied 
by the wife of General Meade, in Pine Street, where they 
serenaded her and assured her of their belief that the com- 



56 HISTORY OF THE 

mander's victory would prove to be complete and triumphant. 
A little after the news of Lee's defeat came the intelligence 
that Vicksburg had been taken by Grant, with thirty -seven 
thousand prisoners. Mr. George Trott, of the Committee on 
Enlistments, recalls that while he was engaged in paying 
bounties for the League regiments just raised, he heard the 
bells of the city break out in a tumultuous ringing, and 
demanding the cause, was answered, " Grant has taken Vicks- 
burg !" He immediately quitted the League house ; a band 
of music was engaged to post itself in the belfry of Indepen- 
dence Hall, crowds having collected below ; and a sort of 
popular Te Deum service was held. Rev. Phillips Brooks 
and the Rev. Dr. Brainerd made prayers, and at a given 
signal the band, in the belfry of the venerable and hallowed 
edifice, raised the sonorous strains of " Old Hundred." 

A fortnight later three gentlemen were brought before 
United States Commissioner A. H. Smith, on charges of 
" conspiracy against the government, corres23ondence with 
rebels, and high treason." One of them was the president 
of a Philadelphia college, who was accused of writing to a 
rebel friend, " The cry in the streets, of the fall of Vicksburg, 
is killing me by inches." The fact is of moment as showing 
how, in the midst of national jubilation over two victories so 
obviously the beginning of extinction for the rebellion, the 
old disloyal poison, to which the League had provided such 
potent antidotes, continued to work. DejDrived of their hope 
that disaster would overcome the Union armies, the anti-war 
party now began fresh efforts to attain success at the polls. 
Judge Woodward — the same whose desire to have Pennsyl- 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 57 

vania included in the Southern Confederacy has been noted* 
— was put in nomination by the Democrats, for the governor- 
ship, as against the able incumbent, Andrew G. Curtin, 
who had used his utmost powers in furtherance of the war. 
Judge Woodward had also been of the Supreme Court 
majority adverse to the Enrollment Act. The Union League, 
recognizing no issue between parties beyond that of support 
or non-support of the government in putting down rebellion, 
threw itself heartily into the campaign on the side of Gov- 
ernor Curtin. Mr. Wayne MacVeagh, who at that time was 
chairman of the State Central Committee of the Republican 
party, had the full confidence and sympathy of his fellow- 
Leaguers, and they gave him powerful assistance. The 
League Treasurer, Mr. James L. Claghorn, who also held 
the post of treasurer to the several committees, went about 
among the members of the League, acting on his own re- 
sponsibility, and collected for use, in the legitimate expenses 
of the canvass, one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, — a 
donation so much beyond absolute needs, and so well hus- 
banded by Mr. MacVeagh, that a substantial portion of it 
was afterwards returned and passed over to the Board of 
Publication. That board, meanwhile, was incessantly active 
in circulating papers on the habeas corpus and other ques- 
tions. Virtual insurrection had broken out in New York 
in the form of the Draft Riots in July ; and, were the De- 
mocracy to gain power in Pennsylvania as it had done there, 
it was felt that the battle of Gettysburg might have to be 



* Chapter II. 

8 



58 HISTORY OF THE 

repeated, with the adverse condition of a State executive 
inclined to treat with the rebels and cripple all resistance. 

The result of the election on October 13 was a majority of 
fifteen thousand votes for Governor Curtin, and the Repub- 
licans controlled every branch of the State government. At 
about the same time Ohio was carried for the same party by 
more than one hundred thousand majority. As Vermont, 
Maine, and California had all gone heavily Republican in 
the previous month, the return of the people to their alle- 
giance appeared to be decisive. For these triumphs the 
League, which had toiled unstintedly to effect them, no 
doubt deserved a large share of the credit. Its influence 
had gone out through all the Northern States. On October 
10 it once more appeared in procession, this time to receive 
Governor Curtin at the close of the campaign, and escort 
him to the League House. 

" The Union League of Philadelphia," says the Secretary 
in his first annual report, " moved slowly, and we may even 
say reluctantly, into active public life ; but we were impelled 
towards this career by the very law of our being." When, 
therefore, the association took sides in the gubernatorial 
campaign, it set forth its reasons for so doing in an address 
adopted at a special meeting, September 16.* From the 



* Extracts from the address will be found in the Documentary His- 
tory. The Committee on Address and Besolutions comprised Messrs. 
J. C. Knox, Charles Gibbons, N. B. Browne, Edward Shippen, B. H. 
Brewster, "W. H. Ashhurst, Charles Gilpin, Daniel Dougherty, Benjamin 
Gerhard, James Milliken, Morris S. Halliwell, H. C. Carey, John W. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 59 

beginning regular Monday evening meetings had been held, 
at which orators, both local and of other States, sj)oke to the 
members ; and these meetings, interrupted for a time, were 
resumed with good effect in the course of the campaign. 

During the year a medal had been devised, which the 
Directors designed for presentation to officers of the govern- 
ment or of the army and navy, to whose services they wished 
to pay tribute in a form which the sentiment of gratitude 
naturally takes, — a form not dependent for its value on the 
intrinsic worth of the token offered, but on the feeling repre- 
sented by it. In August they voted a gold medal of this 
kind to President Lincoln, and silver ones to his Cabinet, 
together with the following public men : Major- Generals 
Grant, Meade, Rosecrans, Halleck, Banks, Burnside, Q. A. 
Gillmore, McDowell, Butler, Hooker, Sigel, Couch, Dana, 
and Cadwalader, and Brigadier- Generals Lorenzo Thomas 
and W. D. Whipple. Governor Curtin and Colonel George 
A. Crosman were similarly distinguished. In the navy, 
Admirals Farragut and Porter, Captain Worden, and the 
widow of Admiral Foote were the recipients of medals. 
Others were sent to Josiah Quincy and to those French and 
English advocates of our Union who had done us so dis- 
interested a service abroad, — Laboulaye, Gasparin, John 
Bright, Richard Cobden, Cairns. 

There had been many men in the League who had lent it 
willing and priceless service of time, thought, and assiduous 

Forney, Daniel Smith, Jr., James L. Claghorn, J. G-. Fell, J. I. Clark 
Hare, Morton McMichael, George H. Boker. 



60 HISTORY OF THE 

attention to details ; none more so than Daniel Smith, Jr., 
and the late William D. Lewis, who, without being promi- 
nent in any office or committee, were always at hand to 
help with the wisdom of experience and with fires of en- 
thusiasm unquenched by age. Mr. Lewis, formerly Col- 
lector of the Port, although at this period a man of seventy 
years, had been the first to call together a Committee of 
Defence and Protection after the attack on Sumter, and sug- 
gested the military exertions of the League, which began in 
1863. Uncompromising towards all foes of the Union, he 
was bold, prompt, and untiring in his efforts to defeat them. 
Mr. Smith, who survives at the date of this writing in his 
ninety-first year, was the trusted and revered companion of 
those younger than himself, whose shoulders were steadily 
set to the wheel. In love of country and fervor of principle, 
he became coeval with them. His earnestness, his frankness 
and affection, his many-sided interest in the situation of the 
hour, supplied an inspiration to all who came under the 
influence of his presence. No record would be complete 
which should omit the significant part taken by Mr. Smith 
and Mr. Lewis, — " venerable gentlemen," as Mr. McMichael 
happily characterized them in later years, " co-servitors in 
their fresh youth, co-mates in their robust prime, coadjutors 
in their serene decline." But there were two other members 
who had especially distinguished themselves by making the 
League's duties the chief concern of their daily lives. These 
were the Secretary, Mr. Boker, and the Treasurer, Mr. Clag- 
horn. The former, in the midst of vexatious private affairs, 
gave himself up almost wholly to the formal conduct of the 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 61 

League's business, to its correspondence, and the drafting 
of important documents ; but he found time at intervals 
to write those eloquent ballads and other lyrics of the war, 
which ran their course through the press of the land, and 
woke eager echoes in the hearts of the people and the armies. 
However discouraging the situation might be, he was never 
known for an hour to give way to depression, but constantly 
reanimated the drooping spirits of his associates. Mr. Clag- 
horn, on his part, neglecting opportunities for private gain 
in business, governed the financial interests of the League 
with a hand at once prudent and generous, and was present 
in its halls day and night, ready to help or advise. More- 
over, it was largely due to his skill and industry that the 
enormous subscriptions needed for the several enterprises 
of the League were so readily obtained ; all of them being 
gained by individual appeal, since no other tax than the 
annual dues could be imposed by the Directors. Hence it 
was natural that certain of their coadjutors should have 
singled out these gentlemen as the objects of a compli- 
ment at the close of their first year in office. The anni- 
versary of the foundation of the League occurred on Sunday, 
so that its celebration was put off until the next day ; 
but, an exceptional storm preventing the calling together 
of members, those who had prepared the testimonials sent 
them to the houses of the two officers just referred to. 
For the Secretary they had procured a pen-holder of gold, 
made from melted coin of the United States, and for the 
Treasurer a silver check-cutter, the material of which was 
also obtained from the National mintage. The two gifts 



62 HISTORY OF THE 

were as appropriate as they were merited, and both were 
cordially acknowledged. 

The second annual meeting of the League took place 
December 14, 1863, and the entire government as at first 
constituted was re-elected. The Board was authorized to 
apply for an act of incorporation, and the acknowledgments 
of the meeting were tendered to the officers and Directors 
" for the fidelity and ability with which they have conducted 
the affairs of the League during the first year of its organ- 
ization." From the sixty-odd names first signed, the roll of 
the League had grown until it now embraced nine hundred 
and sixty-eight members, and the Strangers' Register showed 
the signatures of fifteen hundred visitors to the house; 
among them were the Episcopal Convention and the Presby- 
terian General Assembly. It was significant that officers 
of the army and navy made the club-house their frequent 
resort; and we must not forget that at that time these 
branches of the public service still needed much training to 
prepare them for recognition of the true issue involved in 
the war, — namely, the restoration of Union without slavery. 
In educating them to this view, the League performed a duty 
not the least of those it fulfilled. 

Such is the brief outline of what was accomplished during 
the first twelve months of the League's life. Let no one 
hereafter, because all the particulars of that stirring period 
cannot be reproduced with the vividness and thrill of their 
actual occurrence, presume to cast any reflection upon the 
true-hearted citizens who, remaining at their homes, per- 
ceived the deadly disease that lurked in the very bosom of 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 63 

the nation, and applied themselves to its cure. It would be 
difficult to over-estimate their deeds, or to imagine adequately 
the anguish and the courage and the endurance which were 
part of their experience. They poured out their money like 
water, contributing during this year, besides the fifty thou- 
sand dollars required for the support of their house, probably 
close upon a quarter of a million dollars to renew the sinews 
of war, both military and political. They had given of their 
blood and brain, not indeed by offering them to the swift 
annihilation of sword or shell, but by the waste attending 
strenuous exertion, intense and anxious thought, and the pro- 
longed physical labor which had to be accomplished after 
business hours or by the sacrifice of their own affairs. Not 
content with corporate action, individuals of the League had 
constantly been associated with the Sanitary Commission, the 
Christian Commission, and the Union Volunteer Refresh- 
ment Saloon for soldiers. The local Soldiers' Claim and 
Pension Agency also was composed of League members. In 
fine, the members had striven as a whole and severally to 
maintain and strengthen every agency which could in any 
way unify the reserve forces of the nation, and bring them to 
bear on the great, ultimate object of the struggle. 



64 HISTORY OF THE 



VI. 

THE BOARD OF PUBLICATION. 

The Board of Publication grew immediately out of a 
motion made by Mr. Benjamin Gerhard, in the Board of 
Directors, February 17, 1863, that a committee of three, with 
power to add to their number from members of the League, 
should be appointed to print and distribute useful informa- 
tion ; but it was provided that the fund for their use should 
be raised entirely by voluntary subscription. Messrs. Ger- 
hard, Ashhurst, and Townsend were appointed, and soon 
associated with themselves Mr. Lindley Smyth and several 
others. Their first plan was to raise a sum the interest of 
which should suffice for their purposes, and the members of 
the committee began the subscription by each giving two 
hundred and fifty dollars, which was fixed upon as the mini- 
mum contribution to be received from any individual. In 
this way thirty-five thousand dollars were soon obtained; 
but it was found that an invested fund would not suffice for 
the work ; that the money must be spent as fast as required, 
and more must be raised for subsequent needs. So extensive 
did the field thus entered upon prove to be, that a simple 
committee could not cover it. In this way the Board of 
Publication, with its several sub-committees, was developed. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 65 

It was comrjosed of twenty-eight gentlemen. The officers 
of the Board were these : Chairman, Benjamin Gerhard ; 
Treasurer, James L, Claghorn ; Secretary, M. H. Messchert ; 
and Assistant Secretary, C. Izard Maceuen. The members 
were W. H. Ashhurst, Alexander Brown, Stephen Colwell, 
George M. Conarroe, J. Gillingham Fell, John W. Field, 
Benjamin P. Hunt, Henry Lewis, Bloomfield H. Moore, 
N. B. Browne, Henry C. Lea, James W. Paul, George D. 
Parrish, Samuel C. Perkins, Evan Randolph, W. Henry 
Bawle, Lindley Smyth, Joseph B. Townsend, George Trott, 
W. M. Tilghman, Thomas Webster, Andrew Wheeler, Ellis 
Yarnall. 

These, again, were subdivided into three committees of 
the Board, — one on Finance, with Mr. Lindley Smyth as 
chairman ; a second on Publication, under Mr. Stephen 
Colwell ; and the third on Distribution. Of the last, Mr. 
W. H. Ashhurst was chairman. 

The size and constitution of this Board indicate in them- 
selves the magnitude of the task which it performed. There 
was, first, the selection of suitable matter to be considered ; 
then came the details of publication, and the still more 
eon^licated duty of ascertaining where documents could be 
sent to the best advantage. The Committee on Finance sup- 
plied the means required, and Mr. Smyth became in addition 
the head of the Board, succeeding Mr. Gerhard on the latter's 
untimely death. Under his management the functions of 
the Board were conducted with eminent success until its 
activity ceased, in November, 1866, with the advent of a 
more settled period. Below the committee-room was an 



66 H/STOXY OF THE 

apartment where printed matter was folded and mailed, and 
a force of a dozen clerks was constantly employed during the 
first two and busier years of the Board. The publications 
were various in character, being adapted to different classes 
of minds, and containing arguments in answer to all objec- 
tions brought against the policy of the government or the 
continuance of the war, from whatever quarter. Among the 
first issued were letters from General Kosecrans, together 
with protests and resolutions passed by regiments in service, 
against the perversion of the Democratic party to an indirect 
abetting of the public enemy. These were followed in 
March, 1863, by a jmmphlet which detailed the precedents 
in our own history for the use of negro soldiers ; this by 
way of preparing the popular mind for that measure which 
thoughtful men already saw to be inevitable. Later on a 
masterly brochure by Dr. Charles J. Stille, on " How a Free 
People conduct a Long War," was taken up. It reviewed 
the history of English opinion during the Peninsular war, 
to show how the same popular impatience, the same quick 
despondency over defeat, which had been noticeable in the 
Northern States during the prevailing struggle, had existed 
in England at that earlier period, and how it had been 
eclipsed by the slowly-formed determination to succeed in 
spite of all drawbacks of military reverse, increasing debt, 
and opposition in Parliament. It was easy to demonstrate 
how much better was our situation than that of England 
had been, and to draw from her success a lesson of encour- 
agement. This pamphlet was a clarion voice, reviving the 
faint-hearted at one of the most trying epochs of the civil 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 67 

strife. Wherever the Board found brave words apt to the 
crisis, whether uttered in speech or silently sent forth from 
the scholar's study, it seized upon and multiplied them by 
the press, so that all might read and heed. Speeches, letters, 
essays, the product of the best minds, were thus circulated. 
Among the men represented by these publications were 
Stille, Francis Lieber, Governor Curtin, Salmon P. Chase, 
Horace Binney, Oliver Wendell Holmes, James Russell 
Lowell, George H. Boker, Goldwin Smith, Dr. W. H. 
Bellows, Carl Schurz. Collected, the documents sent out 
by the Board form to-day a curious and complete arsenal of 
logical weapons wrought for the defence of the Union, and 
show in what sturdy fashion the war of ideas was waged, 
which supplemented so effectually the valor of our armies. 

In 1863 the Board distributed more than a million copies 
of pamphlets in English and German ; in 1864, one million 
forty -four thousand nine hundred. In the year after the 
end of the war it still circulated fifty-six thousand three 
hundred and eighty, and in 1866, eight hundred and sixty- 
seven thousand more. The distribution for 1867 amounted 
to thirty-one thousand nine hundred and eighty-two ; that 
for 1868 reached the enormous total of one million four 
hundred and sixteen thousand nine hundred and six docu- 
ments. But this is only a part of what it did ; for it sent 
out large numbers of publications, not recorded, which were 
printed by other associations. It undertook, likewise, the 
important task of securing for doubtful voters subscriptions 
to loyal newspapers, which by steady iteration day after day 
educated the wavering into Union beliefs. 



68 HISTORY OF THE 

In the Presidential campaign of 1864 the Board effected a 
thorough canvass of the State of Pennsylvania, put itself in 
communication with the local chairman of every school- 
district in the Commonwealth, and, having ascertained by 
name what voters were doubtful, concentrated upon these with 
signal success a stream of ideas in print. Another mode 
in which its influence operated must not be overlooked. 
Postmasters, school-teachers, and other persons were induced 
to act as distributing agents for the Board ; and the mass of 
information and argument which thus came under their 
notice, as they disseminated it, had its effect on their own 
minds, so that where they had perhaps hitherto been luke- 
warm they became fired with a fresh zeal. 

The sums of money collected by the committee from 
League members were very large.; but, unfortunately, no 
record of the amount is now accessible. Breaking the con- 
tinuity of this chronicle for a moment, and passing on to 
the time when the chairman, Mr. Smyth, resigned his office, 
we may learn at a glance what estimate his co-members 
placed on the achievements of the committee. At the annual 
meeting of the League, December, 1868, on motion of Mr. 
N. B. Browne, these resolutions were unanimously adopted : 

" Resolved, That the members of the Union League of Philadelphia 
have learned with unaffected regret that Lindley Smyth, Esq., late 
chairman of their Committee of Publication, has declined to allow his 
name to be presented as a candidate for re-election to the Board of 
Directors. 

" Resolved, That no department of the work of the League has been 
of more real service to the country, or reflected more true and lasting 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 69 

honor upon the League itself, than its department of publication, at 
that most critical period in our country's history, the autumn of 1863, 
when Governor Curtin was a candidate for re-election. He declared 
openly that he owed his success to the Union League of Philadelphia, 
which, as he playfully said, ' had plastered the State with its handbills.' 
Other publications by the committee, of calmer tone and higher argu- 
ment, instructed and encouraged the minds and the hearts of our 
fellow- citizens throughout the whole of the great struggle, now 
through the Divine Providence so happily ended ; and in this work 
nearly four and a half millions of documents have been by us distrib- 
uted. This and all the laborious and useful work of the Committee of 
Publication, from its establishment in March, 1863, to the present time, 
has been directed by Mr. Lindley Smyth as its chairman, whose perse- 
verance first collected the large necessary funds, and whose sagacity, 
political wisdom, administrative power, and untiring industry, exercised 
for nearly six continuous years, have, as we believe, conferred upon 
our Commonwealth and our whole Eepublic benefits which, though 
difficult to estimate and impossible to compensate, it now becomes our 
duty thus publicly to acknowledge. 

"Resolved, That for the services to which we have now most im- 
perfectly referred, we hereby tender to Lindley Smyth, Esq., the cordial 
thanks, the unlimited respect, and the profound gratitude of the Union 
League of Philadelphia. 

" Resolved, That the Directors are hereby requested to tender to Mr. 
Lindley Smyth, on our behalf, the gold medal of the League, as a 
slight tribute from his friends and fellow-members, and to accompany 
it with a copy of these resolutions." 



70 HISTORY OF THE 



VII. 

COMMITTEE ON ENLISTMENTS. 

A prompt result of the excitement caused by Lee's inva- 
sion of Pennsylvania was that the League, at a meeting held 
June 27, 1863, appointed a committee to organize a regiment 
under its auspices. Of the gentlemen designated, J. Reese 
Fry was made chairman. His associates were Samuel Felton, 
J. Edgar Thomson, Ellerslie Wallace, M.D., James L. Clag- 
horn, Horace Binney, Jr., Morton McMichael, George H. 
Crosman, J. I. Clark Hare, W. D. Lewis, George Whitney, 
and Andrew Wheeler. 

Their first proceeding was to advertise in the public prints 
for volunteers to enter a three months' regiment, under the 
Governor's call. A high bounty was offered, and it was 
explained that " such necessary expenses as are not properly 
borne by the government will be defrayed from a fund raised 
by the members of the League." So rapidly did the ranks 
begin to fill up that by July 4 — only a week after the com- 
mittee came into existence — recruits were called for to be 
enrolled in a second regiment. Before December three full 
regiments, known collectively as the Union League Brigade, 
had been raised and placed at the disposal of the national 
government, under the command of Colonel William D. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 71 

Whipple. The first of these, which at the start was called 
the First Regiment of Pennsylvania Chasseurs, was headed 
by Lieutenant-Colonel T. Ellwood Zell, the second by Colo- 
nel George P. McLean, and the last by Colonel Gray. In 
addition to the above forces, five companies of League cavalry 
were recruited at the same time. The winter of 1863-64 
saw another full regiment put into the field by the com- 
mittee, — the Fourth Union League, — which was mustered 
in as the One Hundred and Eighty-Third Pennsylvania 
Volunteers. This regiment was enlisted for three years. 
One hundred days' men were required in July, 1864, and 
the Fifth Union League, or One Hundred and Ninety-Sixth 
Pennsylvania Regiment, Colonel Neff, responded to the de- 
mand. Shortly afterward the Sixth Union League (One 
Hundred and Ninety-Eighth Pennsylvania) was organized, 
under Colonel Sickel, to serve for a year. It consisted of 
three battalions, numbering about fourteen hundred men. 
Again, in December of 1864, during the chairmanship of 
Mr. James H. Orne, the Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth Union 
League Regiments were formed, under command of Colonels 
John A. Gorgas, D. B. McKibben, and Francis Wister, con- 
stituting respectively the Two Hundred and Thirteenth, Two 
Hundred and Fourteenth, and Two Hundred and Fifteenth 
Pennsylvania Volunteers. Thus, in all, the Committee on 
Enlistments gave to the service, during these two closing 
years of the war, a body of ten thousand troops. The sums 
raised and disbursed by them in this remarkable enterprise 
amounted to one hundred and eight thousand dollars. 

By the time the last regiment was completed, the war 



72 HISTORY OF THE 

came abruptly to an end and the committee dissolved ; but 
some of the forces despatched by them to the front had been 
able to take an active and important share in the campaigns. 
The One Hundred and Eighty-Third Regiment, led by 
Colonel George P. McLean, went at once into the fight at 
the Wilderness, and continued with Grant through the whole 
of the severe campaign which there began, being engaged in 
many of the battles that took place on the march to Peters- 
burg. In the siege of Petersburg it went frequently into 
action, always with conspicuous gallantry. After a few 
months its numbers had become reduced to one hundred and 
fifty men, so great was the depletion by death and disease ; 
but, with ranks partially refilled by disbanding veterans and 
fresh recruits, it kept its place in the field, constantly active, 
until the surrender of Lee. Colonel Horatio G. Sickel's 
One Hundred and Ninety-Eighth (Sixth Union League) 
Regiment gained the highest kind of reputation in the Army 
of the Potomac. It was victorious in its very first struggle, 
which involved a difficult charge on the position of the 
enemy in front of Petersburg; and, with one New York 
regiment and a battery of artillery, it defeated and drove for 
a long distance, at the Battle of Lewis Farm, three of the 
best brigades in the Southern army, as was subsequently 
attested by General Ewell and other ex-Confederate officers. 
This was one of the last battles in Virginia, and was fought 
in March, 1865. Occurring on the extreme left, it was a 
critical engagement, and the valor of the One Hundred and 
Ninety-Eighth prevented serious disaster. Colonel Sickel 
was wounded on that occasion, and the two majors of the 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 73 

regiment, Glenn and Maceuen, were killed. It pushed on, 
nevertheless, assisted in the Battle of Five Forks, and co- 
operated with Sheridan in the final manoeuvres which termi- 
nated at Appomattox Court-House. 

The hundred days' men of Colonel Neff were employed in 
guarding rebel prisoners in Illinois ; but even in that com- 
paratively obscure duty they distinguished themselves for 
discipline and efficiency. Although the last three regiments 
recruited by the League were not called upon to do battle, 
they all proved to be useful in performing garrison and other 
duty throughout the unsettled period of the months follow- 
ing the surrender of the Southern armies, when the country 
was making the transition to a state of peace. The Two 
Hundred and Fourteenth (Eighth Union League) was not, 
in fact, mustered out until March, 1866, almost a year after 
the rebellion was over. 

Thus the name and inspiration of the Union League were 
carried forward amid the clash of arms, over the fields of 
fire and death, to meet the foe in front, as they had already 
been made to oppose the enemy at home ; and some of the 
League troops remained in the service when open insurrec- 
tion had long ceased, just as the League itself, as we shall 
see, continued to battle for the principles of its foundation 
when the military attack had been exchanged for a civil one. 

The first chairman of the Committee on Enlistments, Mr. 
J. Reese Fry, died in office early in 1864, and was succeeded 
by Mr. James H. Orne, a public-spirited merchant, who had 
become one of the committee after its appointment, and had 
manifested extraordinary devotion to its aims. His energy 

10 



74 HISTORY OF THE 

and efficiency were such that, under his supervision, the 
One Hundred and Ninety-Eighth Regiment completed its 
organization in the short space of five weeks. The last 
three regiments were also raised with uncommon rapidity, 
recalling the enthusiasm of the early months of the war. 
Mr. Orne, Mr. George Trott, and Mr. N. B. Browne were 
unremitting in their activity. Mr. Trott himself took a 
short course of military instruction, and drilled some of the 
recruits for the first League Begiment, besides which the 
committee had many duties not included in the organizing 
of troops. Their correspondence was extensive; they kept 
up communication with officers at the front, and took a quick 
interest in looking after everything that promised to be of 
use to the War Department or to foster enlightened opinion 
in the army. Mr. Orne, too, became convinced that the 
prevailing system of local bounties was disadvantageous to 
the recruiting interest ; and a memorial on this subject was 
presented by the committee to Congress, with the effect of 
bringing about important changes in the Enrollment Act. 

The Committee on Enlistments and the Board of Publica- 
tion, which embraced some of the same members, were both 
virtually in perpetual session, and the gentlemen conducting 
their affairs never permitted private interests to interfere 
with the larger obligations they had assumed. These two 
bodies performed a work which was unique. No other organ- 
ization in the country could show such results as the League 
accomplished through these two committees, and the record 
of their career presents, in a striking and objective form, the 
general spirit of the Union League which gave them life. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 75 



VIII. 

THE RAISING OF NEGRO TROOPS. 

Not a little of what the League accomplished sprang out 
of the casual but regularly recurring encounters at the 
League house of different kinds of minds imbued with a 
sentiment in common. Dreamers, thinkers, men of practical 
affairs, met and conversed ; a suggestion, a passing thought, 
at once received consideration in various lights, and, if it 
had value, began to assume substantial shape. One or two 
groups, like that which came to be known as " The Five- 
Twenties," assembled regularly and discussed various meas- 
ures which it seemed to them advisable to agitate, or meas- 
ures which they could carry out for the general benefit when 
there was not time for the governing board to convene and 
act upon the matter. But a great deal was also done by 
individuals without the aid of any such concerted agency ; 
and it was in this manner that the project of enlisting negro 
soldiers was executed. Although undertaken under the 
auspices of a number of citizens, some of whom were not 
members of the League, its inception was in that association, 
and the leader of the enterprise was Mr. Thomas Webster, 
who had entered the League at an early date in its history. 

The question of arming the blacks in defence of the 



76 HISTORY OF THE 

Union had been brought into Congressional debate about 
the middle of 1862, when Senator Henry Wilson, of Massa- 
chusetts, presented a bill which amended the act of 1795, 
as to the manner of calling out militia. Finally, on the 
motion of Senator Preston King, of New York, an amend- 
ment was adopted authorizing the employment of "persons 
of African descent for constructing intrenchments, or any 
war service." Previous to that, Representative John Hick- 
man, of Pennsylvania, had introduced a bill authorizing the 
enlistment of colored troops, in March, 1862 ; but he with- 
drew it again before it could be acted upon or even recorded. 
The whole subject was approached with timidity, and not 
until February 10, 1863, was the amendment to the Enroll- 
ment Act, offered by Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, 
accepted and recorded, authorizing the reception of negro 
volunteers into the United States army. The issue involved 
was as bitterly contested as had been the Emancipation. 
Proclamation of President Lincoln. It was in the spring of 
1863 that the Governor of Massachusetts, John Andrew, ob- 
tained permission from the Secretary of War to raise three 
years' companies of colored men for the artillery and the 
infantry service. Thus empowered, he enrolled two negro 
regiments ; but when it was proposed that they should march 
through the city of New York on their way to the seat of 
war, the chief of police of that metropolis stated that it 
would be impossible in such event to protect them from 
insult and probable assault; hence they were transported 
from Boston by water, without stopping at New York. 

For months it had been in the minds of certain members 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 77 

of the Union League of Philadelphia to take action for the 
organizing of colored regiments ; but the prejudice still 
existing against such a measure in the chief city of Penn- 
sylvania was so strong that the time was not deemed ripe 
for decisive procedure until June, 1863. On the 8th of 
that month a meeting to consider the subject was held in 
the League house. It was presided over by William D. 
Lewis, and addressed by Colonel Lafayette Bingham, and 
by Major George L. Stearns, of Boston. It was found that 
more than eleven hundred negroes in Pennsylvania had 
been enrolled for regiments in other States ; and the opinion 
gained ground that the State ought itself to secure credit for 
such of its colored inhabitants as were disposed to volunteer, 
by hereafter forming them into regiments hailing from 
Pennsylvania. By June 18 there appeared in one of the 
morning journals a copy of correspondence between certain 
gentlemen of Philadelphia and Secretary Stanton, in which 
it was set forth that two hundred and seventy-six citizens 
had presented a memorial begging to be allowed to raise 
" three regiments of colored men from this part of Pennsyl- 
vania" for the war, and that permission to that effect had 
been granted.* A committee of sixty citizens, with Thomas 
Webster for Chairman, Cadwalader Biddle, Secretary, and 
Singleton A. Mercer, Treasurer,-)* was thereupon formed, 
under the name of Supervisory Committee for the Enlist- 
ment of Colored Troops, and took up its quarters at 1210 
Chestnut Street, not far from the League house. Major 
George L. Stearns, of Massachusetts, was deputed by the War 

* See Documentary History. f All members of the League. 



78 HISTORY OF THE 

Department to superintend the recruiting ; and Lieutenant- 
Colonel C. F. Ruff, of the Third United States Cavalry, was 
instructed to receive and muster into service one regiment of 
ten companies, each to be eighty strong. A large meeting 
of respectable colored citizens assembled at Franklin Hall 
on the evening of the 24th, to encourage enlistments. The 
work went forward briskly and with enthusiasm. Camp 
William Penn was established at Chelton Hills soon after- 
ward, and placed in charge of Colonel Louis Wagner of the 
Eighty-Eighth Pennsylvania Volunteers. The first squad 
of eighty colored recruits was sent thither June 26. By 
July 24 the first regiment was full, and it became a part of 
the National forces, with the title of Third United States 
Regiment, Colored Troops. It was publicly announced to 
make a street parade in Philadelphia on the 1st of August ; 
but so much excitement was known to exist among those 
who disapproved the employment of negroes in the war, that 
the Republican Mayor of the city sent advices to Wash- 
ington which resulted in an order from the War Department 
to Colonel Wagner to embark the troops without parading. 

The Supervisory Committee, continuing to enlist men 
with unabated vigor, had its second regiment (Sixth United 
States) completed by September 14, and proceeded with the 
formation of still another, to be known as the Eighth United 
States, Colored Troops. As soon as a battalion of the latter 
had been filled up and sufficiently drilled, a review of both 
the regiment and the battalion at Camp William Penn was 
advertised for September 24, which citizens were invited to 
attend. This made a good intermediate step in the carrying 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 79 

out of the purpose to which the committee had all along 
clung, of holding a parade in the city. Free blacks had 
been employed in the Revolutionary army and highly es- 
teemed by Washington : even slaves had been manumitted 
to take their places in the patriot ranks ; Jackson again had 
appealed for and received the aid of colored freemen at New 
Orleans ; and in the existing civil war liberated slaves had 
distinguished themselves on the field at Port Hudson and in 
South Carolina, fighting for the Union and Emancipation. 
But all this made no impression on the minds of the peace 
party in Philadelphia, or served merely to enrage them the 
more against the radical measure which they now saw suc- 
cessfully prosecuted in their midst. Even the Unionists were 
in many cases strongly prejudiced against these sable allies. 
They saw in their enlistment the forerunner of great changes 
in the status of a race whose inferiority had, up to this time, 
been strongly insisted upon by a scornful and unjust mode 
of treating them in public ; and they feared, likewise, that 
the adoption of this new policy would react unfavorably on 
the Administration' and imperil Republican success in the 
next Presidential election. When, therefore, it was learned 
that the Sixth United States, under Colonel John W. Ames, 
and a battalion of the Eighth, would positively march through 
Philadelphia on October 3, serious apprehensions were enter- 
tained by many of the friends of the government. It was 
generally thought that an outbreak would occur somewhere 
on the line of march ; and doubtless any imprudence, either 
of timidity or aggression, on the part of those who planned 
and led the parade, would have precipitated a combat. The 



80 HISTORY OF THE 

members of the Committee and the commander of the troops, 
however, were at once cautious and confident. They did not 
believe in the supposed danger ; but the officers carried 
loaded revolvers, to be used in an emergency. The soldiers, 
on the contrary, were not trusted with any ammunition ; 
those of the Sixth had merely their muskets, and the com- 
panies of the Eighth marched entirely without arms. There 
was no police escort ; but Colonel Wagner rode at the head 
of the column, and his stern, determined expression con- 
vinced those who had indefinitely meditated disturbance that 
they would be worsted in any attack. The troops followed 
their route through a number of the principal streets, stopped 
at the Union Volunteer Refreshment Saloon, and passed in 
review before General George Cadwalader, who took his 
station on the steps of the Union League House. Every- 
where the streets were thronged with crowds, anxious, im- 
pressed, secretly hostile or openly exultant ; but the expected 
collision did not occur. Moral bravery, quiet confidence in 
a just cause, loyalty and freedom, had triumphed completely 
in face of a noisy opposition. It was felt that the tread of 
the black soldiery on the pavement that day would echo 
long through the future. The parade had marked the 
beginning of a new era, and its success sent a thrill through 
those who greeted the advance of larger ideas, for they 
recognized the great stride taken since the Mayor's inhibition, 
two months before. One sturdy Quaker abolitionist, stand- 
ing beside another member of the League as they watched 
the files go by, exclaimed, " I have been an abolitionist all 
my life, but you gentlemen of the Supervisory Committee, 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 81 

in bringing about this parade, have gone further than I ever 
would have done !" Nothing could show better the hesitant 
mood in which some of the firmest friends of the negro had 
remained until the decisive move had been made. 

The Supervisory Committee, which had begun by raising 
thirty-three thousand three hundred and eighty-eight dollars, 
with the intention of forming only three regiments, conducted 
matters so well that it was able to create two more — the 
Twenty-Second and Twenty-Fifth United States — without 
further subscription. These were ready, the first on January 
6, 1864, and the second on February 3. The swiftness and 
economy with which the recruiting of these troops, number- 
ing nearly five thousand men, had been effected were almost 
unexampled in the history of the war. 

The officering of black regiments was a very important 
matter, and many veterans who had risen to captaincies and 
colonelcies in the field failed to satisfy the Board of Exam- 
iners at Washington, when applying for the command of 
negroes. Observing this, the Supervisory Committee opened 
at its headquarters a Free Military School, to train applicants 
for such commands. It was under the direction of Colonel 
John H. Taggart, and had an attendance of over one hun- 
dred and sixty students. Few who went through its brief 
but thorough and practical course of instruction failed to 
pass the Board examination ; and as the colored volunteers 
of the Union soon aggregated more than one hundred 
thousand, the committee, by means of this school, rendered 
invaluable aid to the government in making the new con- 
tingents effective under competent command. 

n 



82 HISTORY OF THE 



IX. 

THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. 

At a special meeting of the League, January 11, 1864, 
Vice-President Borie in the chair, it was, on motion of 
Morton McMichael, seconded by William D. Lewis, unani- 
mously agreed that President Lincoln ought, in the best 
interests of the country, to be renominated for the chief 
magistracy of the United States.* At the same time, on 
motion of William D. Lewis, seconded by John B. Myers, 
it was resolved that, as Sanitary Fairs had recently been held 
under the auspices of the Sanitary Commission in Chicago, 
Cincinnati, and Boston, " the Union League strongly rec- 
ommend to the Philadelphia branch of the United States 
Sanitary Commission to organize here, under its auspices, a 
Sanitary Fair, the proceeds of which shall be devoted by the 
Commission to promote the health, comfort, and efficiency of 
the soldier in active service." 

By this action the League initiated, and pledged itself to 
sustain, two very important measures, which, with its various 
other undertakings, provided a copious programme of em- 
ployment for the year 1864. 

* For the resolutions embodying this conviction, see Documentary 
History. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 83 

The Birthday of Washington, which was also the anni- 
versary of the League's formal induction into its house, 
became the occasion of an interesting and graceful ceremony, 
on the presentation of a flag which had been made by certain 
Philadelphia ladies to the League. The general celebra- 
tion of the day throughout the city was more brilliant and 
enthusiastically patriotic than any local observance of a 
National holiday for many years had been, and this largely 
through cumulative League influence in the preceding year. 
At one o'clock, February 22, about three thousand ladies and 
gentlemen having assembled in the house, under the care of 
a Reception Committee,* Mr. McMichael called the company 
to order, and introduced Mr. Daniel Dougherty, who pre- 
sented the banner on behalf of the donors. Alluding to 
them, he said, " They have given more than their lives, — 
they have sacrificed their hearts, their hopes, their happiness. 
. . . This on our part is the noblest struggle, the most mo- 
mentous issue, the most glorious war ever waged on earth ; 
and its vigorous prosecution, though it last thirty years, is 
the sleeping and waking thought, — the business and a part 
of the religion of true American women. ... To you, mem- 
bers of the Union League, the ladies of Philadelphia present 
this flag, touched by no hireling hand, but shaped and 
wrought into beauty by these fair ladies, who, born under its 
protecting folds, hope yet to see the day when, blessed with a 
lasting peace, it shall be hailed with universal joy as it floats 
over every inch of American soil." 

* Dr. Wilson C. Swarm, Messrs. Fair-man Rogers, Henry M. Watts, 
George Trott, Alexander Brown, and James W. Paul. 



84 HISTORY OF THE 

Mr. George H. Boker, the Secretary of the League, replied 
in fitting terms. " I need not say to you, ladies/' he observed 
in the course of his remarks, "that from the day of its 
organization you have cordially recognized the services which 
the Union League has done for the National cause which 
engrosses our individual sympathies. We are proud of that 
acknowledgment. One of the chief sources of our strength 
has been in the applause which greets our labors from the 
domestic circle. . . . After the League, through an entire 
year, has to a greater or less degree deprived you of the 
companionship of your husbands, your fathers, and your 
brothers, you come to our doors with your gentle company, 
decorated by the glorious symbol before me, and reverently 
bestow the standard on our institution. The flag is woman's 
visible benediction upon the League. It says as plainly as 
your orator could utter it, ' Well done !' It says more. It 
says, ' There is the crimson of our blood ; here is the white- 
ness of our purity ; here is the heaven of our faith ; here are 
the stars of our hopes. Take them all ! Take all that is in 
woman's nature and use it ungrudgingly in our country's 
service ! Noble offering ! Nobler sacrifice !" 

In June the Sanitary Fair was opened, with brilliant 
success. Many of those who conducted it were Leaguers, 
and the Board of Directors of the League, by opening cor- 
respondence on the subject with Leagues throughout Penn- 
sylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware, had excited much 
interest and stimulated valuable co-operation in rendering 
the exhibits complete and attractive. The war trophies 
belonging to the association were also loaned to the Fair. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 85 

President Lincoln attended its opening, and was afterwards 
invited to the League house, where he was welcomed in a 
speech by Mr. Dougherty and gave a reception to the mem- 
bers. The time was near when the League was to afford him 
memorable support in his second campaign for the Presi- 
dency. Its resolutions had been sent to him long in advance 
of the Baltimore Convention, and doubtless had a cogent 
influence upon its final choice ; for there were some Repub- 
licans there whose individual preferences inclined them to 
overlook his just claims and to risk a change of leaders even 
in so critical a situation. General McClellan being the 
nominee of the oj)position, his enormous popularity made it 
necessary to put forth all possible strength in order to keep 
the central power in those hands which the Unionists believed 
could alone wield it to the destruction of the already 
weakened rebellion. The campaign became one of intense 
interest, and was conducted with unflagging energy on both 
sides. The Publication Committee used its resources to the 
utmost, and among many other documents which it circu- 
lated was a canrpaign newspaper called the Union League 
Gazette, made up of useful political information bearing on 
the issues of the time. Five hundred and sixty thousand 
copies were distributed in six weeks. The Committee of 
Seventy-Six was unceasingly busy, and for greater efficiency 
divided itself into various sub-committees. One of these was 
a Committee on Public Meetings. Concert Hall, just oppo- 
site the League house, was hired before the October State 
election, and meetings were held there on the night of every 
day except Sundays for six weeks continuously. " Its walls 



86 HISTORY OF THE 

nightly rang," says the Annual Report of the Directors, 
"with the eloquent voices of distinguished orators and with 
the plaudits of numerous audiences. A greatly increased 
Union majority in the city was the result of this awaking of 
public spirit." The speakers volunteered their services ; and 
as they often came from long distances, their conduct in this 
respect was a striking proof of the high esteem in which 
they held the League and the efforts it was making. The 
State Central Committee in its public addresses, after the 
victory had been won, warmly acknowledged the important 
services of the League in contributing to the success of the 
Union cause at the polls. 

During the year the Methodist Episcopal Conference, the 
Baptist Conference, and the Presbyterian General Assembly 
of the State, meeting in Philadelphia, were offered the hos- 
pitalities of the League, and many of the delegates made 
spirited addresses at the League house ; thus strengthening 
for good the tie between this association and an important 
and intellectual class of the community. The work of the 
Committee on Enlistments for this period has already been 
described. At the annual meeting in December, the Hon. 
William M. Meredith having formally declined a renomina- 
tion for the Presidency of the League,* Mr. J. Gillingham 
Fell was elected to fill his place, with Messrs. William H. 
Ashhurst, Morton McMichael, Adolph E. Borie, and Horace 
Binney, Jr., as Vice-Presidents. The gold medal of the 
League was voted to the retiring President. 

* For the correspondence, see Documentary History. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 87 

The League entered its third year (1865) and passed 
through the first quarter. But while it was still engaged in 
zealously consolidating loyal elements, and reaching its strong 
arm out to take part in the war in Virginia, almost before it 
had quite lost the thrill of campaign excitement, and while it 
watched the progress of Sherman's march and Grant's can- 
nonading, with no doubt as to their result, yet with uncer- 
tainty as to the time required; while it was thus waiting, 
watching, and working; suddenly, with as little resistance 
at last as a puff-ball, the rebellion collapsed : Lee and John- 
ston surrendered. The news that the Army of Northern 
Virginia had capitulated came to the League house in a 
manner involving a peculiar coincidence. The sister of the 
Treasurer, Mr. Claghorn, returning with another lady from 
a visit in the evening of April 10, 1865, met on the street a 
telegraph-boy, who volunteered the announcement that he 
was carrying the news of General Lee's surrender. Miss 
Claghorn asked where he was going. He replied, " To the 
office of the Press." She followed him, and, leaving at the 
editorial rooms a copy of the despatch, she obtained the 
original to take to the League house, whither Mrs. John W. 
Forney accompanied her. These two ladies brought it to 
the door, and retired. In this way the most important 
tidings received by the League since its foundation were 
transmitted by the hands of ladies. As they had been true 
in their sympathy with its objects, and one year before had 
signalized this sympathy by the presentation of a flag, so 
now they were able to inform the members that the imme- 
diate goal which had been set out for was won. The news 



88 HISTORY OF THE 

S 

spread rapidly ; members flocked in from every quarter, and 
a scene of unbounded rejoicing ensued. 

On February 21, at an adjourned meeting of the Board 
of Directors, it had been decided that, in honor of the recent 
recapture of Fort Sumter, the house of the Union League 
should be decorated with the National flag, during the next 
day, and illuminated at night. On motion of Mr. Henry C. 
Lea, it was also ordered that the following telegram should 
be sent on the anniversary of Washington's birthday to 
President Lincoln : 

" To the President of the United States : 

" The Union League of Philadelphia congratulates the President of 

the United States upon the success of the Federal arms under his wise 

administration, and especially upon the restoration of the National 

Flag to the ramparts of Fort Sumter, the scene of its first humiliation. 

" By order of the Board of Directors. 

"J. Gillingham Fell, President." 

It was the last opportunity which this loyal body had of 
communicating their sympathy to the leader of the people ; 
for before the confusion and congratulation attending the 
announcement of Lee's surrender had passed, the intelligence 
of Lincoln's assassination fell upon the jubilant North like a 
thunderbolt from the clearing sky. A special meeting of 
the Directors was called, and the President, Mr. Fell, ad- 
dressed them in these words : 

" Gentlemen, — I have called you together for the purpose of an- 
nouncing officially the awful calamity which has befallen the nation in 



UN 10 A LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 89 

the assassination of its chief magistrate at the critical period when we 
have so much need of his ability, disciplined judgment, and patriotism. 
We are overwhelmed by the suddenness and terrible circumstances of 
his death. We stand in wonder at the providence of God, and are 
made to know that his ways are not our ways. As the mind reverts 
to his dealings with his people in times past, its thoughts fall naturally 
upon the history of the great leader of Israel, who, after conducting 
his children through their protracted perils, breathed his last on the 
brink of the Promised Land. We mourn our leader with as sincere a 
sorrow, but we know that the same God who sustained them still 
lives, and has placed in the hands of our people the preservation of a 
great nation. Therefore, while we bow our heads in deep submission, 
let us address ourselves with energy to the responsibilities thus sud- 
denly thrust upon us. To maintain order, obedience to the laws, and 
respect for the constituted authorities is the immediate duty of every 
citizen." 



The gold medal of the League was at once sent to the 
new President, Andrew Johnson, and at a special meeting of 
the League on April 17 the co-operation of the organization 
was pledged to President Johnson, " to sustain him by all 
our efforts in the same principles and purposes which his 
predecessor has now sealed, as a martyr, with his blood." 
At this same meeting, Mr. McMichael made an impressive 
address, and prayer was offered by the Rev. Phillips Brooks. 
Mr. Charles Gibbons, in seconding the resolutions, spoke with 
great feeling and eloquence of the national loss, and Mr. 
Frederick Fraley pronounced a eulogy upon the dead Presi- 
dent. It was also decided that a mourning badge should be 
devised, to be worn by members. The Directors named a 
committee to attend the funeral of President Lincoln, and 

12 



90 HISTORY OF THE 

members of the League were requested to join in the escort 
which should assist at the obsequies in Philadelphia. 

Throughout the eventful term over which we must now 
glance so rapidly, the League had given much care to the 
perfecting of its organization. A charter was received and 
adopted, May 22, 1864 ; and on January 1, 1865, a new code 
of By-Laws, being accepted, came into force. Meanwhile, 
in July of the former year, steps had been taken to secure 
new and permanent quarters. Unable to extend its lease of 
the Baldwin house, the association took up its abode tempo- 
rarily at No. 1210 Chestnut Street, to await the completion of 
its present building on South Broad Street. This was opened 
to the use of members May 11, 1865. It had been intended 
to conduct inaugural ceremonies and to give a ball on that 
occasion, but all formal celebration was waived out of respect 
for the memory of the murdered Lincoln and the resulting 
state of popular sentiment, in which the League itself shared. 
At the close of the Soldiers' and Sailors' Fair, however, in 
the autumn, Lieutenant-General Grant held a brilliant re- 
ception at the League house, on the invitation of a committee 
of the Directors; and Major-General Meade and Chief 
Justice Chase were also entertained there. In furtherance 
of the appropriate decoration of the edifice, a Committee of 
Fine Arts and Trophies had been called into being; and 
during the two years reviewed in this chapter, silver medals 
had been presented to a number of persons. Among these 
were Major-General Sheridan and Major-General George H. 
Thomas, Captain John Winslow, Lieutenant Cushing, U.S.N., 
Bear- Admiral Porter, Professor Gold win Smith, Hugh Mc- 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 91 

Cullocli, Secretary of the Treasury, and Ishmael Day, of 
Maryland. In September the Treasurer, Mr. Claghorn, after 
long and devoted service to the League, resigned on the eve 
of an absence from the country, and was released from duty, 
though not without cordial testimony to the esteem in which 
he was held.* At the annual election of 1865 the President 
and Vice-Presidents in office were re-elected, and Mr. Edward 
S. Clarke was soon after appointed Treasurer, to take Mr. 
Claghorn 's place. 

Although the most stirring episodes that its history was 
likely to furnish for a long time to come had now passed, the 
League, with a membership increased to nearly eighteen 
hundred, and an unsettled political horizon straining the 
eyes of the nation, did not feel that its aims were materially 
altered or to be lost sight of. The Directors, through Mr. 
Boker, declared that " certainly the Union League, which 
from its organization to the present day has been the un- 
wavering herald and civic soldier of the grand principles 
which animated the late war, should not, because the open 
contest is over, resign itself to a fatal torpor, and permit the 
fruits of all our exertions to slip from our grasp, while 
machinations more dangerous than military strategy are 
being stealthily advanced and as adroitly withdrawn before 
they can meet with popular rebuke. The high uses of this 
association of loyal men will not pass away until the last 
embers of the Rebellion are trampled out and no spark 
remains with which to rekindle it; until the very passions 

* See Resolutions, Documentary History. 



92 HISTORY OF THE 

which arrayed the two sections of our country in hostility 
have become matters of history, and the whole people from 
ocean to ocean and from Canada to Mexico have become one 
homogeneous mass of contented and sympathetic men." 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 93 



X. 

THE LEAGUE'S COURSE AFTER THE WAR. 

With the beginning of the year 1866 the Union League en- 
tered a phase of existence in some respects distinctly different 
from that under which it had previously appeared. The im- 
mediate practical demands of the war situation had been fully 
satisfied ; but many things remained to be done in order to 
perfect the cohesion of the States, recently arrayed against 
one another in mortal combat, and now brought face to face 
in the trying attitude of reconciliation between victor and 
vanquished. Nothing more remarkable, it is safe to say, has 
ever been witnessed in the course of human history than the 
process of healing which now ensued upon the terrible wound 
that armed strife had inflicted upon the civil body of this 
people. Two powerful sections of a young, great, and ardent 
nation, after being thrown into a state of deadly discord 
which endured for four years, were to be reunited in the 
peaceful task of governing themselves together for the com- 
mon good : more than that, with all the old passions of 
rivalry still alive, they were to learn how to conduct this 
mutual self-government on a higher plane, with larger toler- 
ation and wider views, than had ever been recognized under 
the conditions antecedent to the war. The accomplishing of 



94 HISTORY OF THE 

such a result may be called a supreme piece of political 
surgery, in which the genius of republicanism manifested a 
triumphant skill, an inborn aptitude for the government of 
men. But the operation was attended with extreme peril, 
and with exigencies requiring nice management and a firm 
hand. In transferring its activity from the region of open 
warfare between the government and violent rebellion, to the 
sphere of statecraft and popular debate in which reconstruc- 
tion was carried on, the League proved itself to be instinct 
with true civic vitality and thoroughly equal to the emer- 
gency. 

The first problem which it had to encounter was the 
recreancy of Andrew Johnson, who had succeeded to the 
Presidency of the United States, in attempting to compro- 
mise and finally to abandon the principles of his illustrious 
predecessor. The oligarchic spirit speedily reasserted itself 
in the South : an attempt was made to establish the former 
condition of society there in a new guise, and, by means of 
unjust laws, to fasten slavery again upon the liberated blacks. 
The President, with a misguided ambition that ended in 
treachery, sought to throw the local government of the 
Southern States into the hands of those who had led them to 
rebellion, and a breach was thus at once made between him- 
self and Congress. In February, 1866, memorials signed 
by large numbers of the Leaguers were presented to the 
Board of Directors, praying them to call a general meeting 
to sustain Congress ; but at that time definite action was 
deemed inexpedient, and the proposition was rejected. The 
government of the League was evidently determined to pro- 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 95 

ceed with due care and deliberation in the novel and serious 
complications which had arisen. Meanwhile, however, it 
took severe measures towards one of the members, — James 
M. Scovel, of iNew Jersey, — who was accused of favoring the 
disloyal party, and of lending his influence to the defeat of 
the Republican candidate for Senator in the Legislature of 
his State. After a full hearing, Mr. Scovel was susjDended 
from the privileges of the League. In August a convention 
of Southern Unionists was held in Philadelphia, and the 
delegates were formally welcomed and entertained by the 
League. The corporation was steadily gravitating towards 
that position of pronounced antagonism with the President 
which it was shortly forced to take up. In the resolutions 
adopted by the general meeting of the League, called for 
August 22, to welcome the Southern Unionists, Andrew 
Johnson and William H. Seward were drastically censured 
for their sympathy • " with the prominent traitors of the 
country and their political adherents." The co-operation of 
all loyal Pennsylvanians was further invited in effecting the 
election of General John W. Geary as the Executive of the 
State, " and the election of members of Congress from this 
State who will sustain the action of the present Congress in 
their efforts to secure the re-establishment of the Union on 
the basis proposed in the Amendment to the Constitution 
now before the peojDle, and also the election of a Legislature 
that will approve and ratify the said Amendment." To aid 
in carrying out these objects a committee of seventy-six, 
with the President as a member ex officio, was appointed, 
which entered actively into the political campaign. 



96 HISTORY OF THE 

What followed will best be given in the words of the 
Secretary, found in his report for the year : " With the 
whole official power of the Union party in the hands of a 
traitor, with our late political enemies and their rebellious 
brothers as his allies, with many of our best canvassers still 
in office, and either paralyzed by the fear of removal or 
cajoled by the promise of retention ; with our former organ- 
ization almost shattered by these causes ; with nothing, in 
short, but our wise principles and the individual votes of our 
faithful people, we entered upon the political contest which 
has just closed in our victory and the irremediable confusion 
of our adversaries." The success of the loyalists was unquali- 
fied, and the beneficent power inherent in the League became 
more manifest than ever. Heretofore, under whatever per- 
plexities of a divided public opinion it had made its way to 
a commanding place, it had at least enjoyed the advantage of 
perfect accord with the Federal government. Now, thrown 
upon its own resources and pitted against the formal organ- 
ization of that government, for the sake of preserving intact 
its fundamental spirit, the League summoned, as potently as 
it had done under more favoring circumstances, the forces of 
good citizenship to the rescue of Union principles. The 
services of its Committee of Seventy-Six were publicly ac- 
knowledged by the Governor-elect and by the State Central 
Committee of the Republican party. 

The campaign had been one of excessive bitterness, and 
at one time the League house was placed in a state of siege. 
A mob attack was threatened, and many members remained 
all night on the premises, to meet the expected assault. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 97 

Forces were assembled in the grounds behind the house on 
the night which had been fixed for the attack, and sentinels 
kept a watchful lookout. These precautions frightened off 
the turbulent element of the political enemy; but on Sep- 
tember 7 some emissary of the latter succeeded in setting the 
building on fire. A heavy loss was caused by this confla- 
gration ; but the damage was soon repaired under the auspices 
of a Rebuilding Committee, which took care to improve the 
edifice and to render it comparatively fire-proof thereafter, 
by carrying the partition-walls up above the roof. The 
firemen who assisted in saving the house displayed great 
gallantry, some of them risking their lives to rescue the 
battle-flags belonging to the corporation ; and they were 
suitably rewarded with presents of money and badges of 
honor, accompanied by a written testimonial. 

In July of this year a number of gentlemen,* desiring to 
mark in a special manner the gratitude of loyal Philadel- 
phians to General Meade, ordered a gold medal to be designed 
and executed, which was presented to him on behalf of the 
League on the evening of the anniversary of national inde- 
pendence. The usual silver medal of the League was also 
conferred, in September, on Major-General Joseph Holt, 
Judge- Advocate of the Army of the L^nited States. 

As soon as practicable, after the restoration of peace, the 



* Messrs. A. E. Borie, Jay Cooke. C. H. Clark, G. TV. Childs, A. J. 

Drexel, John Rice, H. P. 3IeKean, Thomas Smith, E. W. Clark, W. G. 

Moorhead. J. H. Orne, E. W. Bailey, H. C. Gibson, and Charles Macal- 

ester. 

13 



98 HISTORY OF THE 

League had begun to busy itself with the formation of Union 
Leagues in the Southern States, — a work of extreme deli- 
cacy, owing to the persistence of old antipathies in those 
parts of the country, and the intimidation exercised by for- 
mer rebels towards all who attempted to place themselves 
heartily in relation with the victorious party. In June, 
1867, the Hon. John Jay, President of the Union League 
Club of New York, opened a correspondence with the Di- 
rectors of the Philadelphia corporation, on the subject of a 
reorganization of the Southern wing of the Republican party. 
Courtesies were exchanged between the two bodies ; delega- 
tions from Boston and New York were entertained at the 
League house, and a committee of fi.Ye was appointed to 
co-operate in the work of holding meetings and furnishing 
political speakers in Virginia. When the time drew near for 
judicial elections in Pennsylvania and the choice of municipal 
officers in Philadelphia, the League again came to the front in 
the canvass. A committee of five was appointed to confer 
with an existing " committee of citizens" as to the city elec- 
tions, while at a general meeting held September 18, forcible 
resolutions were passed favoring the Reconstruction Acts, 
and plainly intimating that impeachment was the sole remedy 
left to cure the ills which President Johnson had brought 
upon the country. The election of Judge Henry W. Wil- 
liams to the Supreme Court bench, and of M. Russell Thayer 
as Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, was counselled ; a 
committee of fifty League members being empowered to 
represent the organization in the campaign. For the first 
time since it had entered upon its career, the League found 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 99 

itself on the defeated side when the vote was cast ; but this 
event was attributable partly to the apathy which long- 
continued success had brought upon the party with which it 
acted, and partly also — it was strongly suspected — to frauds 
practised by the opposition at the polls. This led, in the 
following year, to the offering of rewards by the Board of 
Directors for the detection of electoral conspirators, or the 
arrest and conviction of fraudulent voters of any kind. 

Meanwhile, the League had had opportunities to pay honor 
to several distinguished men. The Hon. Schuyler Colfax 
was entertained, May 7. The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton visited 
the League house at another time. On the 27th of Septem- 
ber Major-Gen eral Sheridan came to Philadelphia, and was 
welcomed by the League in procession ; General Sickles 
being also present on that occasion, and making a powerful 
address, directed against the conspiracy for renewed Southern 
supremacy, of which Andrew Johnson had so singularly 
become the head. In November, again, Commodore Worden 
was received. 

In March, 1867 ? Mr. William Sellers proposed to the 
Board to offer the sum of eleven hundred dollars in prizes 
for essays on the best mode of making nominations to office. 
The precise object aimed at is indicated in the preamble 
offered by the mover of the resolutions : 

" Whereas, In a Eepublican form of government it is of the highest 
importance that the delegates of the people to whom the sovereign 
power is intrusted should be so selected as to truly represent the body 
politic, and there being no provision of law wherebj^ the people may 
be organized for the purpose of such selection, and all parties having 



100 HISTORY OF THE 

recognized the necessity of such organization by the formation of 
voluntary associations for this purpose ; and, whereas, there are grave 
defects existing under the present system of voluntary organization, 
which it is believed may be corrected by suitable provisions of law ; 
now, therefore, be it 

" Resolved, by the Board of Directors of the Union League of Phil- 
adelphia, that the Secretary be and is hereby directed to oifer eleven 
hundred dollars in prizes for essays on the legal organization of the 
people to select candidates for office." 

This proceeding attracted much attention and drew forth 
a number of essays, four of which obtained prizes, in July, 
1868, and were afterwards printed. No immediate change 
in the system discussed could be expected to result; but 
much indirect good was doubtless effected by thus bringing 
the subject before the public, and the interest of the League 
in political reform and progress was wholesomely asserted. 

At the annual meeting, December, 1867, Mr. Charles 
Gibbons introduced a resolution, which was adopted, nomi- 
nating General Grant as the candidate of the Republican 
party for the Presidency, in the election to be held the follow- 
ing November. The League was thus the first organized body 
to place General Grant in the field for the campaign of 1868. 
It had the satisfaction of seeing him nominated by the 
Chicago Convention, May 21, 1868, and on that day, in 
general meeting, passed resolutions approving of his candi- 
dacy. Philadelphia was carried by the Democrats in Octo- 
ber, but the League's campaign committee of fifty labored 
so well that at the Presidential election in November this 
result was reversed ; and not long afterward the President- 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 101 

elect of the United States attended a private reception in the 
League house, whence his name had first been formally sent 
forth to the people as the choice of many influential Repub- 
licans. 

The President of the League, Mr. Fell, contemplating 
absence from the country, had resigned his office in April ; 
but the resignation was tabled, a leave of absence was granted, 
and the Vice-Presidents were instructed to take the control. 
At the annual election of 1868, Horace Binney, Jr., received 
the Presidency. The first subject of importance brought up 
under his administration was that of frauds at elections. 
The Republican defeat in the previous October was believed 
to have been accomplished by gross frauds, which the proffer 
of rewards for detection had been inadequate to prevent. A 
radical preventive was obviously needed. Accordingly, on 
motion of Mr. Gibbons, it was resolved to appoint a com- 
mittee of five, " with authority to confer with counsel and 
with any committee of the Legislature, on behalf of the 
League, on the subjects of a law for the registration of voters 
in this State, and such amendments of the laws of the State 
as may be necessary for the prevention of fraud and violence 
in the election of public officers. 7 ' Messrs. Gibbons, Perkins, 
Rice, Orne, and Cope were appointed to fulfil the duty thus 
enjoined. By the 11th of May they were able to report that 
a law had been drafted and passed by the Legislature to 
accomplish the end in view. But this by no means settled 
the matter. Judge Sharswood promptly declared the regis- 
tration law unconstitutional. Thereupon the Directors of 
the League commissioned three of their number to retain 



102 HISTORY OF THE 

counsel to argue the appeal taken from the decision just 
referred to, rendered in the Supreme Court at nisi prius. 
The case was carried before the Supreme Court of Pennsyl- 
vania, where it was argued with zeal and ability by the Hon. 
William M. Meredith and Mr. Gibbons. The constitution- 
ality of the law was fully vindicated by the decision they 
obtained ; and the Directors returned formal thanks to the 
two advocates for their generous service. That part of the 
law regarding the city of Philadelphia was framed by Mr. 
Gibbons, and had been carried in the Legislature mainly by 
his perseverance ; so that the League owed him a double 
debt, which it was quick to acknowledge. 

Although the spirit and energy of the association remained 
unimpaired, and constantly sought new channels through 
which to make themselves felt, changes caused by lapsing 
time, by resignations, and deaths accompanied the League's 
progress through the lustrum extending from 1866 to 1870. 
Mr. Lindley Smyth, who for nearly six years had presided 
over the Board of Publication with consummate ability, de- 
clined re-election as a Director at the close of 1868 ; but, in 
relinquishing his services, his fellow-members testified their 
high appreciation thereof in glowing language, and the gold 
medal of the League was tendered to him. One year later 
the League assembled at a special meeting, December 27, 
1869, to do honor to the memory of the Hon. Edwin M. 
Stanton, who had finally succumbed to the exhaustion con- 
sequent on his great labors as Secretary of War. During 
the continuance of armed hostilities he had kept up the 
liveliest interest in all the movements of the League, finding 



ONION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 103 

time to maintain close relations with its officers touching 
public matters, and always listening to their suggestions with 
a respect that showed how well he understood the importance 
of their function in the crisis of that day. Subsequently he 
had publicly set forth, in a speech delivered from the steps 
of the League house, his opinion as to the incalculable 
benefit which the association had done in general, and the 
warm sentiments of gratitude which the administration of 
Mr. Lincoln had felt for its stanch and vigorous support. 
Hence the death of the ex-Secretary was to the League like 
the loss of one of its own most valued members. This latter 
calamity it was doomed to suffer in very truth by the sudden 
demise, in February, 1870, of its recently re-elected Presi- 
dent, Horace Binney, Jr. A meeting of the Directors, 
specially convoked, resolved, " That in the death of Horace 
Binney, Jr., not only the Union League, but all good citi- 
zens who lived within the influence of his precept and exam- 
ple, have lost a friend, a comforter, and a courageous leader. 
In the darkest hours of that bloody history through which 
our country lately passed, when man and the schemes of man 
seemed to fail us one by one, and human hope was driven to 
Heaven for refuge, the voice of our late President was ever 
firm, cheerful, and filled with righteous confidence ; his coun- 
sel was ever wise and boldly provident ; and he looked the 
threatening future in the face with a faith so warm, so pure, 
and so complete, that it cast a glow upon the most doubtful 
and warmed into activity the most timid and despairing 
hearts." The sincere condolence of the organization was 
conveyed to the venerable father who survived Mr. Binney, 



104 HISTORY OF THE 

and the League house was draped in mourning for thirty 
days. On the 1st of June, Dr. C. J. Stille was invited to 
repeat before the League an eulogy on the late Horace 
Binney, Jr., which he had pronounced at a meeting of the 
Philosophical Society ; and the Directors attended on this 
occasion in a body, with Mr. Morton McMichael at their 
head. Mr. McMichael had been elected by the Board viva 
voce and unanimously to the chair of the deceased President ; 
Mr. William Sellers being at the same time unanimously 
chosen one of the Vice-Presidents, to fill the place vacated 
by Mr. McMichael. 

In December, 1870, Mr. James H. Orne, by whose com- 
prehensive management the success of the Committee on 
Enlistments had chiefly been attained, withdrew from the 
Board of Directors, greatly to the regret of his fellow- 
officers. 

In the autumn of that year, however, the government of 
the corporation had directed its attention to a reform in State 
affairs, which was of the utmost urgency and promised to 
bring wide-spread benefits to the people. The manner in 
which legislation was carried on at Harrisburg had become a 
source of public scandal. Every year new codes of laws 
were enacted, affecting all manner of vested interests and 
entailing great confusion and cost upon important industries 
in every part of the State. To avert the evils of such reck- 
less enactments, citizens and corporations were often led to 
resort to the most demoralizing means of controlling votes in 
the Legislature, as their only defence against ruthless spolia- 
tion. A two-edged temptation had free play, corrupting 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 105 

both the public on one side and the law-makers on the other. 
In short, the men to whom the people had intrusted the 
management of their affairs too often proposed statutes for 
the simple purpose of alarming capital and levying upon it 
a gigantic blackmail, under cover of legal changes ; while 
those who wished to gain special favors by law did not hesi- 
tate to avail themselves of means so easily purchasable. This 
condition of things became so unendurable that, on the 13th 
of September, Mr. Gillingham Fell, then in office as Director, 
moved the appointment of a committee of ten, to consider 
the subject of reforms in the State Constitution, which should 
render such abuses impossible. Agreeably to the terms of 
Mr. Fell's motion, the President appointed from the Directors 
Messrs. Fell, Gibbons, Sellers, Verree, and Perkins, and from 
among the unofficial members of the League Messrs. Fraley, 
Stille, Lilly, Lea, and IN". B. Browne. Mr. Gibbons, at a 
special meeting on October 8, reported from the committee 
thus constituted a preamble with resolutions, recommending 
that a Constitutional Convention should be called by appli- 
cation to the Legislature. The resolutions were accepted at 
a special meeting of the League, on the 18th of October, after 
being sustained by Mr. Gibbons in a cogent address,* and by 
Messrs. Fraley and Goforth. Mr. Frank Jordan, Secretary 
of the Commonwealth, was present and urged speedy action ; 
and in order to make the movement an unpartisan and wholly 
popular one, Mr. Thomas Webster suggested that the Demo- 

* For the preamble and resolutions, and Mr. Gibbons's remarks, see 

Documentary History. 

14 



106 HISTORY OF THE 

cratic party should be invited to co-operate with the com- 
mittee to be ap23ointed by the League to lay the subject before 
the Legislature. His proposition was subsequently adopted. 
What was the issue of this public-spirited action on the part 
of the League, and what beneficial changes it wrought, are 
now matter of common and well-known record ; but the fur- 
ther progress of the movement will be alluded to in the next 
chapter. With these initiatory passages of a momentous 
epoch in the civil history of Pennsylvania the year closed, 
and under the guidance of Mr. McMichael, who was con- 
tinued as President by the suffrages of members at the annual 
meeting, the League went forward to prosecute the work 
mapped out for it. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 107 



XI. 

ELEVEN PROSPEROUS YEARS. 

In 1871 the League experienced the loss of two among its 
earliest and most esteemed members. Mr. Stephen Colwell, 
who had presided at its foundation and had been the first to 
sign the fundamental articles, died suddenly on the 15th of 
January. Alluding to his relations with the League, the 
Directors in their memorial resolutions said of him, " He 
grew with its growth, ever in the forefront of whatever move- 
ment was planned for giving aid and comfort and support to 
his country and its government throughout the course of its 
struggle for existence." The decease of James H. Orne, in 
November, made another gap in the ranks which had so long 
been permitted to advance unbroken. Yet the natural grief 
felt at his removal from their association was qualified in the 
minds of his former companions by the memory of his in- 
spiring energy and devotion. "It is one of the proudest 
boasts of the League," the Directors recorded, " that, during 
the War of the Rebellion, at a time when men were most 
needed, we recruited, equipped, and sent into the field ten 
full regiments of stalwart men. To the exertions of Mr. 
Orne, Chairman of the Military Committee of the League, 



108 HISTORY OF THE 

we were mainly indebted for this important result. Casting 
aside his private affairs, as of no value to him before the 
peril of his country, he devoted himself to the work of his 
committee with a vigor, a zeal, and a skill which have seldom 
been rivalled in any department of our institution. . . . 
While he was Chairman of the Military Committee, with 
great power in his control, he never sought to use his posi- 
tion for the advancement of selfish ends ; but he bent the 
whole force at his disposal to the single purpose which we 
had in view, and found his only reward in our cordial ap- 
proval of his measures." 

At the annual meeting in December the corporation was 
called upon to bid farewell to the Secretary, who had so 
assiduously served it. President Grant having appointed 
Mr. Boker Minister Resident at the court of the Sultan, to 
succeed the Hon. Wayne MacVeagh, the League resolved, 
" That we see in the selection of Mr. Boker a just recognition 
of his eminent services as a patriot and his cultivation as a 
gentleman, and express our gratification that our country 
should be represented by one so well qualified to protect her 
dignity and her interests ;" and further, " that we record 
our acknowledgments of the faithful devotion to the social 
and political advancement of this League which has marked 
his official conduct with it since he was elected Secretary at 
its first organization, and return our thanks to him for the 
success which has crowned his labors." 

The members of the Union League offered him a reception 
on the 22d of the month, which was brilliantly successful, 
and eloquent tributes were on that occasion paid to his worth 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 109 

by those who had watched his action throughout the history 
of the League. 

In the course of the year a regulation was adopted admit- 
ting officers of the army, the navy, and the marine corps to 
the privileges of the institution, on the footing of correspond- 
ing members. The Directors passed resolutions in June call- 
ing upon members to contribute for the relief of sufferers by 
the great conflagration at Chicago ; and the movement for a 
Constitutional Convention was so successfully pushed that 
the convocation of such an assembly became an assured fact. 
In bringing this about the League committee had been 
actively assisted by a committee representing the Democratic 
party, to which thanks were returned for its hearty co-opera- 
tion. On the 22d of May, 1872, the League assembled and 
renominated General Grant for the Presidency of the United 
States. A committee of thirty was appointed to take charge 
of the campaign.* Their efforts culminated in the election 
of Hartranft as Governor of Pennsylvania, and the continu- 
ance of General Grant in the office of chief magistrate of 
the country, at the November election. Resolutions were 



* The gentlemen named for this committee were Messrs. James H. 
Campbell, N. B. Browne, Matthew Baird, Isaac Hazlehurst, Henry 
Perkins, Henry C. Howell, J. Price Wetherill, J. L. Lawson, Samuel 
Bell, John P. Yerree, E. P. Gillingham, William B. Mann, L. Wain 
Smith, Clayton McMichael, James B. Alexander, Gv Morrison Coates, 
Charles K. Ide, Francis Blackburne, Jr., Eobert Gray, W. E. Littleton, 
Edward Browning, C. J. Hoffman, Myer Asch, William H. Kern, 
Francis Wells, William C. Houston, C. A. Walborn, E. E. Campion, A. 
P. Colesberry, M. Hall Stanton. 



110 HISTORY OF THE 

adopted, November 8, relative to the death of General Meade, 
and three days afterward the League paraded, under the 
marshalship of Charles Gibbons, in the imposing procession 
which attended the obsequies of the former commander of 
the Army of the Potomac. The League's position, assigned 
by the United States military authorities of the department, 
made it the twenty-first in line among the organizations 
participating in the ceremony. 

Mr. McMichael retained the post of President of the 
League, with the same set of Vice-Presidents, from Decem- 
ber, 1870, until December, 1874. On Mr. Boker's resigna- 
tion as Secretary, Mr. S. A. Caldwell served in his stead up 
to October, 1875, when William H. Camac succeeded him. 
After a brief interval, during which Mr. J. Frailey Smith 
acted as Secretary pro tern., Mr. Silas W. Pettit entered upon 
the office, issuing his first call September 13, 1876, and was 
followed by Mr. W. E. Littleton, in 1879. Since then, Mr. 
Samuel B. Huey has been the Secretary of the League. In 
1873 the Constitutional Convention met at Philadelphia, and 
the privileges of the League were hospitably extended to this 
body during its session of several months. It was the Hon. 
William M. Meredith, first President of the League, who, 
as chairman, conducted the deliberations of the Convention ; 
and this, indeed, was the closing act of his life, for he died 
in August, as its labors were drawing to a close. The Direc- 
tors ordered the League house to be draped in mourning for 
thirty days in his honor ; and among their resolutions refer- 
ring to his decease were these : 

" That we bear willing testimony to the valuable services rendered 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. \\\ 

to this League by Hon. William M. Meredith, no less during his mem- 
bership than while he held the office of its President; and we place upon 
record this expression of our appreciation of the unswerving fidelity, 
unflinching courage, and generous devotion with which he upheld, de- 
fended, and sustained the government of the United States in a spirit 
of true loyalty and patriotism. 

" That gratitude is due no less to one who, by the free and hearty 
exercise of his high qualities as a statesman and of his distinguished 
intellectual powers, as well as by the weight of his character and the 
moral force of his example, has aided in maintaining the power and 
integrity of his country's government in the hour of her peril, than to 
those who rendered her military service." 

The new Constitution embraced sundry alterations in the 
rights and duties of the city of Philadelphia, which necessi- 
tated the framing of new laws for its government, and the 
League was prompt to lead in obtaining the proper legisla- 
tion. Mr. Lewis Wain Smith moved, January 13, 1874, that 
the President appoint a committee of twenty, of whom seven 
should be members of the Board, " to prepare and promote" 
such legislation. 

When the Commissioners of the Centennial Exhibition 
first met, in 1872, the League entertained them, and through 
a committee appointed February 23, 1874, to wait upon Con- 
gress, it threw the weight of its influence in favor of extend- 
ing government aid to that national enterprise which was to 
do honor to the Republic in its hundredth year. But the 
Federal government refusing to give the Exhibition material 
support, the public spirit of individuals had to be appealed 
to in order to make the project a success. In the munificent 
response to such appeal, and in the endeavor to forward the 



112 HISTORY OF THE 

Exhibition by all available means, members of the League 
took an important part, maintaining in that emergency, as in 
so many others, the high standing of the organization as an 
agency always ready to place itself at the service of the best, 
and to assist in carrying out large ideas, whether relating to 
politics or the indirect cultivation of a robust national sen- 
timent. While the Exhibition was in progress, Mr. Boker — 
who had meanwhile been promoted to the Russian mission, 
and was chiefly instrumental in securing from the govern- 
ments of Russia, Turkey, and Egypt due assistance for the 
representation of those countries at the great industrial dis- 
play in Philadelphia — returned on leave of absence, and was 
given a reception by the League. Rutherford B. Hayes, then 
Governor of Ohio, and candidate for the Presidency of the 
United States, was also welcomed and entertained in October, 
1876, on the "Ohio day' 7 of the Exhibition. 

In 1874 precautions were taken to secure, if possible, the 
nomination of suitable candidates for municipal officers at the 
spring election of the ensuing year. A committee of sixty- 
two having been appointed to labor for that object, and Mr. 
John P. Verree having been elected President of the League 
at the December meeting, some of the Republican candidates 
were endorsed by the committee, and from others their ap- 
proval was withheld. These latter candidates gained their 
election only by reduced majorities, and the circumstance 
caused much excitement and division of opinion among 
League members. The policy of participating in municipal 
politics as a body has not been pursued by the corporation 
since that time. In December, 1876, Mr. Charles E. Smith 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 113 

was elevated to the Presidency of the League, holding the 
position two years, after which Mr. Boker, on his final return 
from St. Petersburg, was elected. In March, 1880, also, Mr. 
Boker received the gold League medal. 

President Hayes's Southern policy had been upheld by 
the League, which had also manifested its sympathy with 
his advocacy of Civil Service Peform. On the return of 
General Grant from his tour around the world, the League 
invited him to a reception, which occurred on the 23d of 
December, 1879, and was perhaps the most brilliant en- 
tertainment ever given by the organization. Under Mr. 
Boker 's guidance it continued to take an active interest in 
national affairs, and at an early day made ready for re- 
asserting and maintaining its original principles in the 
struggle of parties for supremacy, which was to take place 
in 1880. When the campaign had fairly opened, with Gen- 
eral Garfield and General Hancock as the opposing leaders, 
the contest proved to be a momentous and critical one. 
The purpose of the Southern Democrats to annul many of 
the most significant and radical results of the war was 
gradually revealed, and the League mustered its forces to 
win the victory, with an energy and a closeness of appli- 
cation not surpassed at any period in its history, in the 
face of heavy discouragement at the loss of Maine in Sep- 
tember. Its specially appointed campaign committee worked 
uj)on the public mind with pamphlets and meetings, and 
employed with good effect the ready contributions of mem- 
bers, both in these directions and the organizing of pro- 
cessional displays. On the 25th of September the League 

15 



114 HISTORY OF THE 

paraded in the streets, carrying with it for the first time 
since the war its banner, which had become a symbol and 
herald of success. So manifest was the zeal and so promi- 
nent the activity of the organization, that it became a source 
of strength to the party it represented, throughout the 
country, and was called upon for counsel by delegations from 
other States. The wisdom of its continuance as a political 
association was now made manifest to those among even its 
older members, who had at one time thought it best that it 
should by a resolution relinquish all direct share in the con- 
tests of parties, except when the nation's life should be im- 
perilled, — a resolution which would have made it extremely 
difficult for it to concern itself with any Presidential election, 
since opinions might be divided as to whether the prescribed 
emergency had arisen. 

The years 1878 and 1879 each deprived the League of an 
ex-President, — the first, of Mr. J. Gillingham Fell, and the 
second, of the Hon. Morton McMichael. In addition to the 
dignity of the office held by them, these gentlemen had en- 
joyed in uncommon degree the cordial esteem and confidence 
of their fellow-members at all times. The death of Mr. 
McMichael removed the last of those four Presidents who 
had received the headship of the League in immediate suc- 
cession, from the time of its founding down to the accession 
of Mr. Verree. But as there was no break in the line of 
tradition and purpose which the corporation had pursued, 
members in looking back upon the careers of those now 
passed away, who had so prominently co-operated with them, 
could feel that even death wrought new bonds of strength, 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 115 

holding the League more and more firmly to its objects by 
the influence of sacred associations. 

At a special meeting of the Directors, October 28, 1878, 
it was resolved, " That by the death of J. Gillingham Fell 
the League is deprived of the wise counsels of one of the 
chief pillars of the institution, of the precepts and the 
example of a man who, amidst the darkest and most dis- 
heartening days of our country's history which fell to the lot 
of this generation, stood always firm, calm, and unshaken in 
his faith as to the result, who bore the worst shocks of our 
ill fortune with a serene fortitude that gave courage to the 
timid, reassured the wavering, and added strength to the 
strong, and who, in the hour of our triumph, was among the 
first to deprecate extreme measures, and to counsel forbear- 
ance and conciliation towards those who had been divided 
from us by the cruel estrangement of the sword." They also 
made mention of "his winning social qualities, his generous 
tolerance, and his many manly virtues," which had lent dig- 
nity to the office he had filled so well. 

The Board of Directors met specially to take action on the 
death of the Hon. Morton McMichael, January 7, 1879, 
President Boker in the chair, and caused the following 
minute to be entered : 

" The organization of the Union League was preceded by the forma- 
tion of a social gathering, which, under the name of the Union Club, 
sought to propagate those doctrines to the advancement of which the 
League was afterwards devoted. Among the original members of that 
club the name of the Hon. Morton McMichael was most prominent. 
With the organization of the League he was identified; with the entire 



116 HISTORY OF THE 

existence of the League his name was closely allied. It is fitting, 
therefore, that his associates should bear testimony to the unfaltering 
patriotism and courageous devotion to duty which marked his entire 
career. Although elated by national success and depressed by national 
disaster, he never wavered in his adherence to the principle of national 
unity, and through good fortune aud bad he stood the undaunted and 
uncompromising patriot. Elected as a Vice-President of the League in 
1864, his conspicuous merits were still further recognized and he became 
its President in 1870, and remained so until his voluntary retirement 
in 1874 deprived this organization of his faithful and conscientious 
services. 

" It is unnecessary for this Eoard to record the unbroken geniality 
of his intercourse with its members during all these years. It is only 
when the rare qualities he possessed are brought into stronger relief 
through his death, that his associates are able fully to appreciate how 
much of their happiness was due to the light which ever accomjoanied 
his presence in every social meeting. He combined in a most extraor- 
dinary degree the qualities of a patriot, an orator, a writer, a wit, and 
a friend." 

The minute was also published in the daily papers ; the 
Directors in a body attended the funeral of Mr. McMichael, 
and the League house was draped with mourning for thirty 
days. 

Another member who had not only been identified in the 
closest manner with the League, but was among those who 
had been called from its ranks to high government position, 
was Mr. Adolph E. Borie, who died in February, 1880. On 
the 5th of that month, upon motion of Mr. Fitler, Messrs. 
Boker, Claghorn, and Benson were made a committee, and 
reported resolutions to this effect : 

"Resolved, That in the death of the Hon. Adolph E. Borie the Union 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 117 

League has sustained a loss that reminds us how few of the original 
officers of the institution remain among our members. Mr. Borie held 
the office of Yice-President of our body from the organization of the 
League, in the year 1862, until the time of his death. During that 
long term of office he endeared himself to our association by his un- 
flinching loyalty and devotion to the country during the Eebellion, his 
liberality in offering his large means towards the support of every 
public movement, and the high-spirited counsel which he offered and 
put into practice when the hearts of other men were disposed to falter 
and their actions to become feeble. In his intercourse with his fellow- 
members his conduct was marked by a courtesy and a kindness of 
heart that won universal regard, and that through all changes of sen- 
timent made his name one of the most popular among our officers, — a 
name at which none could cavil, and to which all gave the willing 
support of their confidence. 

" The Board of Directors know, from the voice of that private fame 
which should be dearer to man than the clamor of glory, that Mr. Borie 
moved among his family and his friends as a visible blessing of Heaven; 
and we therefore sorrowfully sympathize with those who have been 
deprived of the advice, the example, and the assistance of so good, so 
magnanimous, and so generous a benefactor. 

11 When Mr. Borie was called upon to assume the high office of Sec- 
retary of the Navy, and to sit at the councils of his friend, President 
Grant, we shared in the confidence which the President reposed in 
him; and with the President we lamented that Mr. Borie's failing 
health forbade him, in his own conscientious opinion, from longer per- 
forming the duties of an office in which he had gained universal respect 
and approval." 

In conclusion, the Directors resolved to pay to the memory 
of Mr. Borie the same outward tribute of respect which had 
been rendered to that of Mr. Fell and Mr. McMichael. 

After an interval of only a few months another serious loss 



118 HISTORY OF THE 

was inflicted upon the membership and government of the 
League, through the death of Mr. J. Frailey Smith, the senior 
Vice-President. The Directors of that year may best be 
allowed to speak for themselves concerning him, in these 
extracts from their minute entered upon the record June 28, 
1880: 

" Whereas, His associates in the direction of the Union League have 
heard of the unexpected death of their senior Vice-President, Mr. 
Joseph Frailey Smith, they desire to give expression to the highest 
respect and admiration entertained for his character by each and every 
Director, and held by the entire membership of the organization. 
Within short intervals the Union League has lately suffered severely 
in the loss of its most prominent officers. Two ex-Presidents and as 
many Yice-Presidents have lately passed away, whose services were 
worthy of lasting remembrance. But if fidelity to duty is ever deserv- 
ing of recompense, no one is entitled to the high regard of his fellow- 
members more than the gentleman whose sudden death has just occa- 
sioned so much sincere regret. He was truly a model Director, and 
his great ability and energy have ever been recognized and appreciated. 
His manly bearing, genial manners, and bright social qualities obtained 
for him a widespread popularity and a warm, enduring friendship. As 
in the course of time, the older must give way to younger men, the 
members of the Union League looked upon Mr. Joseph Frailey Smith 
as one to fill any vacancy, no matter how prominent, and felt assured 
that he would be equal to the position. . . . But while his loss will be 
specially felt in the Union League house as a most prominent member, 
able Director, and efficient Yice-President, the community in which he 
lived will feel that a leading and successful merchant has been taken 
away, whose mercantile career was marked by an unsullied commercial 
honor, and whose brilliant qualities and untiring industry were re- 
warded by a prosperity unusual in one of his years. . . . 

" Resolved, That the Board of Directors desires that this minute be 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 119 

entered upon record as a sincere but inadequate tribute of their affec- 
tion and esteem." 

By the tragic death of President Garfield in 1881, at the 
hands of an assassin, the League became a sharer in a great 
grief common to all organizations and individuals through- 
out the land ; a grief which affected in like manner all the 
civilized peoples of the earth to an extent beyond any pre- 
vious experience. The Directors, on the day after the Presi- 
dent breathed his last, expressed their sense of sorrow as 
being not merely one due to a national calamity, " but a per- 
sonal bereavement, which brings the shadow of grief into 
every home." The high hopes which had been formed as to 
the administration to be shaped by this man, in whose elec- 
tion the League had been so vital a factor, were now arrested, 
and the future was clouded with suspense; but the Directors, 
obeying the duty of good citizenship, incorporated with their 
resolutions, on this occasion, a pledge to support President 
Arthur cordially " in all honest effort to administer the great 
trust which has devolved upon him." 

In accord with the policy of President Hayes and the pre- 
sumed intention of President Garfield, to build up political 
freedom in the South while cultivating fraternal relations 
among all the States of the Union, the League has recently 
interested itself in the question of education in the Southern 
States. Colonel John E. Bryant, of Georgia, addressed a 
stated meeting, October 10, 1881, on the condition of the 
Republican party at the South, and the best means of bring- 
ing the Southern people into harmony with their Northern 
fellow-citizens. This gentleman came before them as the 



120 HISTORY OF THE 

representative of the Southern Advance Association, formed 
for the purpose of teaching the Southern people national 
ideas, " in the schools, by the press, and from the rostrum," 
in order to counteract the influences of surviving sectional 
opinion antagonistic to the Union. A committee of fifteen, 
appointed by the League, reported upon the subject of his 
address, expressing their belief that he should receive such 
aid as would secure the vigorous prosecution of the work ; 
and remarks were made, at the meeting which received this 
report, recommending a Congressional appropriation for com- 
mon school education. 

The latest public action of the League to be chronicled in 
these pages, therefore, indicates its persistence in the path of 
enlightened opinion and of duty to the general body of society 
in its national political relations. Meanwhile, although suf-' 
fering those losses of old and tried constituents inevitable to 
any large organization, it has entered upon its twentieth year 
under circumstances favoring a long continuance of useful- 
ness, and without showing any appreciable abatement of its 
original ardor, notwithstanding the indifferentism and the 
laxity of aim which might be expected to assert themselves 
on the accession of large numbers of younger men, unfa- 
miliar with the earlier period of its history. The member- 
ship, over nineteen hundred at the close of the war, fell in 
1879 to eight hundred and fifty, but has since by wise policy 
and a liberal management of the institution been increased 
to eleven hundred, — a number considerable in itself, and still 
more formidable when regarded as a nucleus for possible en- 
largement, should any great national emergency ever again 



UNION LEAGUE OE PHILADELPHIA. 121 

call for a renewal of the extensive functions exercised by the 
League in the days of the War for the Union. A financial 
administration thorough and economical from the beginning 
to the present, has made its last eleven years a period of 
growing prosperity ; and the liberality of its members has 
rendered possible the extension and adornment of its build- 
ing in a manner which will give the corporation greater 
sources of attraction and better opportunities for public 
assemblies than it has ever possessed heretofore. 



16 



122 HISTORY OF THE 



XII. 

CLOSING OBSERVATIONS. 

We have now reviewed succinctly, but also with essential 
completeness as to outline, the origin, growth, and career of 
the Union League of Philadelphia. From this review it 
appears that from a small, experimental beginning it rose, 
by the steadfast and courageous assertion of deep principles, 
to a commanding position which enabled it to overthrow dis- 
loyalty in the great manufacturing capital of the North, and 
to contribute materially to the establishment of Union with 
Emancipation, notwithstanding the conservatism which for a 
time handicapped many of those who sympathized with its 
main purpose of inculcating national ideas. Its success 
affords a convincing lesson as to the value of uncompromis- 
ing integrity in individuals at great public crises ; for it was 
solely by the adherence of a few men to the ideas which they 
believed radically American and right that any such move- 
ment as is recorded in the preceding pages became possible, 
or, having been begun, was pushed to so glorious an issue. 

Not only did the Union League revolutionize the state 
of affairs in Philadelphia : it also led directly to the forma- 
tion of similar bodies in all parts of the Northern States, and 
brought into being a living network of hearts and brains 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 123 

through which it could distribute its own prompting enthu- 
siasm, receiving from it again by reflex action fresh stimulus 
of comradeship, suggestion, and support. It enlisted and 
placed at the command of the government a small army of 
soldiers, numbering, if we include the negro troops raised by 
the Supervisory Committee (composed of League members) 
more than fifteen thousand men. It published patriotic ideas 
with greater copiousness, and distributed them with a more 
telling accuracy, than any other civil organization in the 
country can claim to have done at the same period. It con- 
trolled, by the force of moral enthusiasm and unconquerable 
industry, critical elections, the loss of which to the Union 
party would undoubtedly have prolonged the war and greatly 
complicated its settlement, if indeed it had not altogether 
changed the result. For these reasons the Union League of 
Philadelphia must be considered an institution of national 
importance, the decisive acts of which should never be for- 
gotten nor carelessly passed by. 

The association has never called itself a club, in fact, has 
expressly avoided doing so, in order that its very name might 
indicate that its objects were larger than those ordinarily 
embraced in the plan even of political clubs. In one respect 
it differs strikingly from the political clubs of the world. 
Instead of being created as the exponent of any one party in 
the customary sense, it was founded simply on the idea of 
Union, in its fullest sense of original American freedom, and 
shutting out all possibility of disruption which might defeat 
the grand aims of this Republic. In its later course, in days 
of peace and with longer intervals between the emergencies 



124 HISTORY OF THE 

in which it is required to act, the League has naturally taken 
on more and more the characteristics of a social club on a 
large scale. But the vital idea which it embodied in a new 
and permanent form must not for that reason be overlooked. 
It is this, — that, in a nation constituted as ours is, a great 
duty devolves upon citizens to assist in the work of govern- 
ment, not merely by the use of the ballot, but by strong 
organization outside of parties, for the purpose of encour- 
aging all good political tendencies, promoting and improving 
the conception of nationality, and suggesting beneficial legis- 
lation, which it can also forward to enactment by the elected 
law-making powers. 

The opinion is sometimes advanced that an association like 
the League should either be devoted purely to social aims or 
solely to political ones ; that a mixture of the two is inexpe- 
dient. The history of the League is itself the best refuta- 
tion of such a view. The agency of which it availed itself 
in its very inception was that of social influence ; and this is 
the agency which multiplied its forces and gave it the means 
for effecting all the valuable results it has achieved. The 
essence of its life has been the union of social intercourse 
with ideas, with civic duty and political activity. Of clubs 
centring upon one or the other of these classes of interest 
there are many, but of Union Leagues there can be few, since 
critical junctures equalling in magnitude that which brought 
the League into being occur with comparative rarity. Hence 
it will be desired by every discerning observer of the public 
welfare that an organization of this kind, once created, shall 
remain true to its primary inspiration, and that, however it 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 125 

may interest itself in the pleasures of peace at the proper 
times, or however it may concern itself with rendering daily 
life agreeable to its members, it shall never lay aside the solid 
armor of its principles, but always stand prepared to enter 
upon any struggle that may justify its participation. 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY. 



127 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY 



ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION OF THE UNION CLUB. 

I. The name of this Association shall be the "Union Club 
of Philadelphia." 

II. The number of members shall be limited for the present 
to fifty, and the condition of membership shall be unquali- 
fied loyalty to the government of the United States, and un- 
wavering support of its measures for the suppression of the 
Rebellion. 

III. The Club shall meet every Saturday evening at eight 
o'clock, during the months appointed by the Standing Com- 
mittee, at the house of a member, who shall provide a mod- 
erate entertainment for his guests at an hour not later than 
ten o'clock. No more than three dishes of various kinds 
shall be served, and the wines shall be limited to sherry 
and Madeira, and to one other. The entertaining member 
shall be privileged to substitute Friday evening for that of 
Saturday. 

IV. The entertaining member may invite any persons, not 
members, to meet the Club whose opinions are in harmony 
with the second of these Articles of Association. 

17 129 



130 HISTORY OF THE 



II. 

ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION OF THE UNION LEAGUE. 

ADOPTED DECEMBER 27, 1862. 
(First signatures obtained January 8, 1863.) 

The undersigned agree to associate under the name of 
The Union League of Philadelphia, and to adopt the 
following fundamental Articles of Association, to wit : 

1. The condition of membership shall be unqualified loy- 
alty to the government of the United States, and unwavering 
support of its efforts for the suppression of the Rebellion. 

2. The primary object of the Association shall be to dis- 
countenance and rebuke by moral and social influences all 
disloyalty to the Federal government, and to that end the 
Association will use every proper means in public and private. 

3. To meet the necessary expenditure for house-rent, fur- 
niture, subscriptions to newspapers and periodicals, and such 
things as may be necessary for the use of the League, each 
associator shall pay an entrance fee of twenty-five dollars and 
an annual tax of the same amount. 

4. No cards, billiards, or other games, except chess, shall 
be allowed in the League house, and no spirituous liquors 
shall be kept or sold therein. 

5. There shall be a Standing Committee, consisting of nine 
associators, who shall have a general supervision of the con- 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 



131 



cerns of the League, and who shall be appointed annually at 
a meeting of the League, in such manner as the meeting may 
decide. 

6. The Standing Committee shall prepare such by-laws as 
may be necessary to secure a proper and orderly administra- 
tion of the affairs of the League, which shall be subject to 
such amendments, from time to time, as a majority of the 
associators may direct. 

Below appear the names of the first hundred signers as 
recorded in the original roll-book, with a few of those whose 
signatures occur soon after these : 



Stephen Colwell, 
John Ashhurst, 
J. Forsyth Meigs, 
F. Fraley, 
Fairman Eogers, 
Charles Gilpin, 
Charles Gibbons, 
B. Gerhard, 
Henry D. Moore, 
William Henry Eawle, 
Edwin N. Lewis, 
James W. Paul, 
W. M. Tilghman, 
Henry C. Carey, 
A. J. Lewis, 
A. J. Antelo, 
Samuel W. Eeeves, 
James L. Claghorn, 
William H. Ashhurst, 
John B. Myer, 



George Trott, 
Morton McMichael, 
J. G. Fell, 
C. H. Clark, 
Ferdinand J. Dreer, 
James Milliken, 
Daniel Dougherty, 
John E. Young, 
George Whitney, 
C. A. Borie, 
George H. Boker, 
Alexander Brown, 
E. Spencer Miller, 
B. H. Moore, 
A. D. Jessup, 
Joseph B. Townsend, 
Horace Binney, Jr., 
John Haseltine, 
Samuel E. Stokes, 
James Somers Smith, 



132 



HISTORY OF THE 



John B. Kenney, 

Daniel Smith, Jr., 

S. J. Christian, 

Jacob W. Goff, 

William B. Hart, 

William S. G-rant, 

E. Eundle Smith, 

E. Carpenter, 

Alexander J. Derbyshire, 

E. C. Knight, 

george a. coffey, 

Joseph Allison, 

Oswald Thompson, 

Aubrey H. Smith, 

William D. Lewis, 

James S. Young, 

William Welsh, 

Ward B. Haseltine, 

Thomas Smith, 

John Eice, 

Thomas Kimber, Jr., 

J. W. Forney, 

George J. Gross, 

Jay Cooke, 

Joseph S. Lovering, Jr., 

George W. Thorn, 

A. C. Barclay, 

Charles J. Peterson, 

D. B. Cummins, 

George M. Stroud, 

William B. Thomas, 

W. C. SWANN, 

G. H. Crosman, U.S.A., 
James Pollock, 



John Thompson, 
Joseph B. Myers, 
A. E. Borie, 
Ellis Yarnall, 
John W. Claghorn, 
George M. Connaroe, 
Edwin Greble, 
J. E. Caldwell, 

E. W. Clark, 
A. Heaton, 

Lewis E. Ashhurst, 
Alfred Stille, 
George Erety, 
Lawrence S. Pepper, M.D., 
Daniel Haddock, Jr., 
James H. Orne, 

P. F. EOTHERMEL, 

F. A. Comly, 
William S. Stewart, 
A. J. Drexel, 
Evans Eogers, 
George Gilpin, 

W. Cadwalader, 
Lemuel Coffin, 
William T. Cresson, 
Cadwalader Biddle, 
Clement Biddle, 
Lindley Smyth, 
Wayne MacYeagh, 
William Sellers, 
David S. Brown, 

G. W. Childs, 
S. Y. Merrick, 
L. A. Godey. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 133 



III. 

DATE AND ORIGIN OF THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB OF NEW YORK. 

The Union League of Philadelphia and the Union League 
Club of New York having both had at heart the national 
interest, as distinguished from local aims, it would be un- 
becoming to treat in a spirit of asperity the erroneous claim 
to historic priority which has been set up in Dr. Bellows's 
history of the New York body. We may recognize with 
satisfaction the identity of the two organizations in large, 
patriotic purpose ; but the truth of history demands that the 
initiatory action of Philadelphia men, and the influence of 
this on New York and other portions of the country, should 
be clearly set forth and fully understood. 

The " Historical Sketch of the Union League Club of 
New York," by the Rev. Dr. Henry W. Bellows, begins with 
this declaration, " The Union League Club of New York is 
the child of the United States Sanitary Commission." It is 
followed by an explanation of the spirit of national loyalty 
which grew up among the workers in that Commission ; and 
the statement that Professor Wolcott Gibbs, then of New York, 
but afterwards resident in Boston, a was the first to suggest 
that the idea on which the Sanitary Commission was founded 
needed to take on the form of a club which should be de- 



134 HISTORY OF THE 

voted to the social organization of the sentiment of loyalty 
to the Union, and he chose Mr. Frederick Law Olmsted as 
the first person to be consulted and advised with." A further 
passage runs as follows : " Professor Gibbs had conceived the 
plan of a national club before October, 1862, but, to quote his 
own language, ' it was not until Seymour's election as Gov- 
ernor of New York that the urgency of such a movement 
was publicly indicated.' "* Then ensues some correspond- 
ence between Professor Gibbs and Mr. Olmsted, the earliest 
date of which is November 5, 1862. In another place the 
historian says, "It is important to observe that the original 
idea of the proposed club of loyalists was native to New 
York, and not borrowed from Philadelphia. The conception 
of our Club was earlier than that of the Union League Clubf 
there, which was, however, sooner organized and named. 
They were both original and independent movements. The 
resemblance in their titles and purposes might lead to the 
mistaken impression that both grew out of one impulse, either 
simultaneously or in succession, our Club following the Phil- 
adelphia League. But this is not historically true, even 
though it may appear that the Union League Club in Phila- 
delphia finally decided the title and in some degree influenced 
the form of ours." 

The obvious fact remains that no move was made in New 
York until after the conversation in the cars in November, 



* Historical Sketch of the Union League Club, etc., page 11. 
f This is a misnomer. It was not entitled nor generally referred to 
as the Union League Club. Its name was simply the Union League. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 135 

alluded to by Dr. Bellows and also in the fourth chapter of 
the present history. By reference to the same chapter it will 
be seen that two committees from the Philadelphia League 
went to New York to give advice to the projectors of the 
Union League Club there, and to assist them in building up 
their association on the basis already adopted in Philadelphia. 
Furthermore, President Charles King, deputed by those 
gentlemen while they were still unorganized to attend the 
inauguration ceremonies in Chestnut Street, said distinctly, 
" We carry out your precepts." 

Dr. Bellows himself indirectly admitted the relative places 
occupied by the two bodies in order of time when he used 
the subjoined language : "It was to meet and overcome this 
alarming state of doubt and apathy, or of a mistaken sym- 
pathy with rebellion in the North, and especially in our 
cities, that the Union League Club [sic] in Philadelphia was 
formed as a rallying centre for the unconditional loyalty that 
already remained in the North, and an instrument for propa- 
gating this sentiment among the irresolute, doubtful, or de- 
spairing. It was honorable to the city in which the original 
declaration of independence was made that the movement 
for defending our national life by an unpartisan organization 
of loyal citizens for the more distinct and emphatic declara- 
tion of fidelity to the Union should have been first organized 
there. Their example animated and quickened the original 
projectors of this Club, though our purpose was older and 
independent of theirs, and it is due to them and to ourselves 
to acknowledge their priority in action."* 

* Historical Sketch, page 35. 



136 HISTORY OF THE 

The only points adduced to show that the Union League 
Club of New York was "the child of the Sanitary Com- 
mission" are, (1) that the phrase "unconditional loyalty" 
originated in that body, (2) that some of the members of 
the Commission had bethought them of the necessity for 
forming a social club on a patriotic basis, and (3) that these 
members afterwards took part in the formation of such a 
club. But, as has been said, no step was actually, taken 
until the example had been set in Philadelphia. Dr. 
Bellows speaks of this example as corroborating the belief 
which the New Yorkers had " been brooding over for several 
months." But the earliest documentary evidence of such 
brooding bears date of November 5, 1862, only a few days 
before the actual assembling of the Union Club in Phila- 
delphia; and all reference to a general conception in cer- 
tain minds arising before then has no value beyond that 
of indeterminate recollection and vague surmise. The only 
inspiration which, so far as the records show, bore fruit 
in achievement came from the Union Club and the Union 
League of Philadelphia, whose members personally assisted 
in the preliminary discussions leading to the New York 
organization, and whose words were incorporated in the 
Articles of Association agreed upon by the latter. The 
Sanitary Commission cannot, with accuracy, be said to have 
had any relation of paternity either to the League or the 
Union League Club. An idea substantially one and the 
same doubtless occurred to loyal citizens in New York 
at about the same time, but this idea was useless until em- 
bodied. The Philadelphians were the first to embody it, 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 137 

and their sympathizers in New York, as in Boston, followed 
their lead. 

The Club in New York completed its organization Feb- 
ruary 21, 1863, but did not open its house until May 12, 
1863. The Union League was formed December 27, 1862, 
and had its house ready February 9, 1863. The first regular 
meeting occurred January 22, a month before the New 
Yorkers organized. 



18 



138 HISTORY OF THE 



IV. 



EXTRACTS FROM SPEECHES DELIVERED AT THE INAUGURATION OF THE 
FIRST LEAGUE HOUSE, FEBRUARY 23, 1863, BY WILLIAM D. LEWIS 
AND DANIEL DOUGHERTY. 

William D. Lewis said, "The necessity of the present 
organization I consider to have been imperative. Our Union 
League may be viewed as a great moral sanitary commission, 
whereby the virus of treason, which has of late shown itself 
among us, may be neutralized, and many good men and true 
saved from the loathsome infection. It was, indeed, high 
time to take the matter in hand when we heard our gov- 
ernment denounced by prominent politicians because of 
its partial adoption of measures deemed necessary for its 
self-preservation ; when we saw every art employed to bring 
our own rulers into contempt and to exalt the arch-rebel 
into an object of admiration ; when there were even found 
some men base enough to concoct schemes for ranging our 
own great and true Commonwealth under the rebel banner. 

"It is not that our home traitors are so numerous, but 
because of their defiant bearing and the boldness with which 
they proclaim their heresies, that it has become necessary to 
let them see and feel their insignificance in this loyal com- 
munity. Let us remember that it was by the activity of 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 139 

such unscrupulous minorities, and the inertness of the pa- 
triotic masses, that Louisiana, North Carolina, and Virginia 
were forced to array themselves against the government of 
the Union. These unworthy sons of their country, lost to all 
sense of shame, and willing to rise to temporary power on the 
ruins of the fairest fabric of liberty ever reared by human 
hands, are at this moment exerting all their faculties in 
striving to sap its foundations. They preach anew the ex- 
ploded doctrine of the supremacy of State rights, the very 
origin of all our troubles. They denounce as tyrannical or 
unsound every military and financial measure of the Admin- 
istration, whereby only can we hope to suppress the huge 
revolt which has drenched our land in blood. They abuse 
equally the just and humane policy of compensated emanci- 
pation, and the bolder and more necessary one of dethroning 
their ebon idol by declaring the slaves of all traitors in rebel- 
lion free. . . . 

" But do you know, Mr. President, that to such a pass has 
the insolence of this unchecked treason reached that, with all 
our preponderance of numbers, threats have been used that 
we should not be allowed to assemble in the discharge of our 
patriotic mission unmolested ? These threats have even been 
promulgated by a portion of the public press. I suppose 
there is no member of this League that does not despise them, 
and feel his good purpose rather whetted than blunted by 
such an attempt to intimidate." 

Mr. Dougherty said, "I am no adherent of Mr. Lincoln. 
I opposed his election to the last. I would scorn to ask a 
favor of him, and would not accept one if offered. I feel no 



140 HISTORY OF THE 

partisan interest in the success of his Administration ; it has 
done many acts of which I do not approve, — more, however, of 
omission than commission ; but I deem it a duty, a holy duty, 
to take part in no organized opposition, but to do all I can to 
counsel, assist, and sustain the constituted authorities of my 
country in this war on this hideous and hell-born rebellion. 
. . . Our defeats and disasters have flowed from our supine- 
ness. Reinspired by the glorious memories of this day, let 
us hurl contempt and scorn on the dastards who would 
counsel a nation's dishonor by begging an ignominious peace 
of armed, bloody, and unrelenting treason I" 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 141 



V. 

ORIGINAL BY-LAWS OF THE LEAGUE. 

On motion of Mr. McMichael, January 14, 1863, the Di- 
rectors appointed Charles Gibbons a committee to draft By- 
Laws, giving him power to associate with him Messrs. Kenney 
and S. B. Thomas. The draft was read to the Board January 
22, submitted to a general meeting of the League the same 
day, and by it adopted. These By-Laws are given below : 

BY-LAWS. 

OF OFFICERS AND THEIR DUTIES. 

1. The affairs of the League shall be managed by a Standing Com- 
mittee, or Board of Direction, consisting of the President, four Vice- 
Presidents, and nine Directors, who shall be elected at the annual 
meeting in December in every year, except in cases hereinafter provided, 
and they shall serve until a new Board be regularly elected. 

2. The President and Vice-Presidents of the League shall be ex-officio 
Directors, and one of them shall be the presiding officer of the Board. 

3. If the office of President or a Yice-President become vacant, the 
Board shall call a special meeting of the League to fill the vacancy. 
If other vacancies occur in the Board, the remaining Directors shall 
choose members of the League to fill the said vacancies until the next 
election. 

4. The Board shall appoint from the Directors a Treasurer and a 
Secretary, who shall perform their duties subject to its control. 



142 HISTORY OF THE 

5. The Board of Direction shall have and exercise a general super- 
intendence of the affairs of the League; shall control and manage its 
property and effects, and enforce the preservation of order and obe- 
dience to the rules. It shall make all necessary purchases and contracts, 
but shall have no power to make the League liable for any debt to an 
amount beyond that which, at the time of contracting the same, shall 
be in the Treasurer's hands in cash, and not subject to prior liabilities. 

6. The Board of Direction, of which five shall be a quorum, shall 
meet at least once in every month for the transaction of business. The 
Secretary shall keep minutes of the proceedings, and also of all other 
matters which may concern the League. 

7. The Treasurer shall give security in a sum of not less than ten 
thousand dollars, to be approved by the Board, for the faithful custody 
and application of the funds of the League, and the security may be 
increased at the option of the Board. He shall exhibit his account at 
the annual meeting, and present a copy thereof to the Auditors. And 
the Board shall have power to remove him for misconduct in the affairs 
of his office. 

OF MEETINGS. 

8. The annual meeting of the League shall be held on the second 
Monday in December, at 8 o'clock p.m. 

9. All elections shall be by ballot, unless otherwise ordered by two- 
thirds of the members present, and a plurality of votes shall be sufficient 
to elect. 

10. At every annual meeting the Board shall report its proceedings, 
and recommend such measures as it may deem advisable. The Treas- 
urer shall make his report of the finances of the League, as presented 
to the Auditors, together with a supplemental statement to the date of 
the meeting. 

11. At every annual meeting three Auditors shall be appointed, to 
serve for twelve months, or until new Auditors be regularly chosen. 
The duty of the said Auditors shall be to audit and settle the accounts 
of the Treasurer and to present their report thereof to the next annual 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 143 

meeting. They shall have power to fill vacancies in their number, and 
two of them shall be a quorum. 

12. At the meetings of the League after organization, the order of 
business, so far as the nature and character of the meeting may admit, 
shall be as follows : 

1. Eeading the minutes of the last meeting. 

2. Eeport of the Board of Direction. 

3. Eeport of the Treasurer. 

4. Eeport of the Auditors thereon. 

5. The appointment of Auditors. 

6. New business. 

Provided, That this order of business may be, on motion, changed 
by a majority of the meeting. 

13. A notice of every meeting of the League shall be posted on the 
notice-board at least ten days before the time assigned for such meet- 
ing, except in the cases of special meetings called by the Board upon 
some emergency. 

14. It shall be the duty of the Board to call a special meeting of the 
League, upon the written request of twenty-five members ; and such a 
meeting may also be called whenever the Board may deem it expedient. 

15. The notice of a special meeting shall specify the time, and also 
the purpose, for which it may be called ; and such meeting shall not 
consider, or take action on, any matter other than that specified in the 
said notice. 

16. At any meeting of the League for action on the conduct of a 
member which may involve his expulsion, or for an alteration of the 
By-Laws, one-fourth of the whole number of members of the League 
shall be a quorum. For the transaction of any other business thirty 
members shall be a quorum. 

17. No stranger shall be present at any meeting of the League. 

18. Propositions foreign to the objects of the League shall not be 
discussed at any of its meetings. 

19. A motion involving the expulsion of a member shall be decided 
by ballot, and the decision of a majority shall be final. 



144 HISTORY OF THE 

20. Proxies shall not be permitted. 

OF MEMBERS. 

21. JSTo member shall receive any profit, salary, or emolument from 
the funds of the League. 

22. No member shall give any money or gratuity to a servant of the 
League. 

23. JSTo member shall leave the house without settling his bill with 
the Steward. 

24. All resignations shall be made in writing to the Board of Direc- 
tion, prior to the first of December, and if made subsequent thereto, 
shall not discharge the member presenting it from his tax for the cur- 
rent year; and all interest in the property of the League, of members 
resigning or otherwise ceasing to be members, shall be vested in the 
League. 

ELECTION OP MEMBERS. 

25. A candidate for membership shall be proposed by a member, 
who, in a book set apart for the purpose, shall register the candidate's 
name and residence, and shall add the date of such registry and his 
own signature. 

26. The President shall appoint an Election Committee, consisting of 
thirteen members of the League, who shall examine the Candidate's 
register once in every week, and report to the President or a Yice- 
President the names of all candidates whom they may think proper to 
recommend for admission, and the President, or a Yice-President, shall 
present the same to the Board of Direction. If no sufficient cause 
be shown to the Board against the admission of a candidate recom- 
mended by the Committee, he shall be received as a member on signing 
the Articles of Association, and paying to the Treasurer his entrance 
fee and tax for the current year: Provided, That new members ad- 
mitted within six months of the expiration of the year shall not be 
required to pay more than one-half the tax for such year. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 145 

OF STRANGERS. 

27. A member may introduce a stranger to the League, and shall 
thereon register in a book to be kept for that purpose the name and 
residence of such stranger, and the date of such introduction, to all 
which the said member shall affix his own name; and he shall also, 
when convenient, present the stranger to one or more of the Board. 

28. Such introduction shall not confer any right of re-entrance ; but 
the Board of Direction may, at discretion, give a written invitation to 
any stranger, which shall entitle him to visit the League house for one 
month. 

29. Eesidents of the city of Philadelphia, not being members, shall 
not be admitted to the League more than once, save to an entertain- 
ment given in a private room, when the number of such residents shall 
not exceed one-fourth of the company present : Provided, That the 
Board may, at at any time in its discretion, suspend the operation of 
this by-law until action upon the subject by the League. 

30. No guest shall give an entertainment in the League house. 

31. No stranger or visitor shall give any gratuity to a servant of the 
League. 

32. On any infraction of the above By-Laws, the Board shall notify 
the offender, through his introducer, that he can no longer enjoy the 
privileges of the League. 

OF EXPULSION OF MEMBERS. 

33. If the conduct of a member be disorderly or injurious to the 
interests of the League, or contrary to its By-Laws, or if, by his acts 
or conversation, he shall manifest a spirit of disloyalty to the govern- 
ment of the United States, the Board shall inform him thereof in 
writing, and, if the nature of the offence require it, shall request him 
to resign. 

34. Should such information or request be disregarded, the Board 

shall refer the matter to the next stated meeting of the League, or to 

a special meeting to be called for the purpose, of which due notice 

shall be given to the offending member. 

19 



146 HISTORY OF THE 

35. At such meeting the circumstances of the case shall be considered, 
and the member'may be expelled. 

36. The annual tax shall be paid on or before the first Monday in 
March in every year. If not then paid, the defaulter shall cease to be 
a member ipso facto : Provided, that upon his written application and 
the payment of all dues to the date thereof, the Board, in its discretion, 
and upon such terms as it may think necessary, may remit the penalty 
of this by-law ; of all which the Secretary shall make a minute : And 
provided, further, That this by-law shall not apply to the case of a 
resident member who may be ill or absent from the city of Philadel- 
phia. 

MISCELLANEOUS. 

37. The house shall be open for the reception of members every day, 
except Sundays. 

38. ISTo person shall be admitted into the League house who does 
not give his unwavering support to the government in its efforts to 
suppress the rebellion ; and if any such person be knowingly intro- 
duced by a member of the League, such member may be expelled for 
the offence by the Board of Direction. 

39. Dogs shall not be allowed in the League house or on the premises. 

40. No person shall take from the League house a newspaper, pam- 
phlet, book, or other article, the property of the League, nor mutilate, 
deface, nor destroy the same. 

41. Books, pamphlets, or newspapers shall not be removed from the 
reading- and drawing-rooms. 

42. A by-law of the League may be amended, or a new by-law 
made, at the annual meeting, the proposer having posted upon the 
notice-board the words of the proposed alteration for at least thirty 
days immediately preceding the said meeting, when, if a majority of 
two-thirds shall vote in favor of the proposed alteration, it shall be 
adopted. 

43. Smoking shall be permitted only in such rooms as may be desig- 
nated by the Board. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 147 



VI. 

CIRCULAR TO ORGANIZERS OF OTHER LEAGUES. 

On motion of Mr. Gibbons, February 17, 1863, a com- 
mittee of three was appointed to encourage the organization 
of Leagues in Pennsylvania and other States. Messrs. Gib- 
bons, McMichael, and Boker were named. A circular letter, 
which they prepared, states the aim of the institution so 
comprehensively, that extracts from it are here re])roduced : 

"But it has larger views than can be extracted from a reading of its 
plan of organization. Its name, the flag that floats over it, its very 
existence, are a standing rebuke to the traitors, who are forced to rec- 
ognize in these symbols and in that existence the presence of a for- 
midable power which they can neither deride nor weaken. . . . The 
Union League does not impose bonds on the political conscience of its 
members. It does not seek to influence elections further than to pre- 
vent oflices from falling into the hands of disloyal or notoriously inca- 
pable men. While it leaves every man free to judge for himself, it 
marks the broadest line between the true man and the traitor, and 
indicates the side on which its members must be found. The way in 
which primary elections for the nomination of candidates have been 
conducted has been one of the greatest abuses of our political system, 
and the Union League will so far make its influence felt in these as to 
insist on the nomination for office of honest, respectable, capable, and, 
above all, loyal men. It seeks only to make our politics purer and 



148 HISTORY OF THE 

more inviting, so that our people may not only accept, but seek, office 
without descending to practices beneath the dignity of honorable men. 
With such purposes in view, we have no fears for the future of our 
League, nor any doubt that it will accomplish many important ends. 
. . . The expenses of such an establishment are too great to justify the 
residents of thinly-settled districts in imitating us in all respects. If the 
residents of small towns are not inclined to this expenditure, they can 
at least establish a reading- and assembly-room for the benefit of them- 
selves and of the loyal workingmen of their neighborhood. In these 
rooms, at stated intervals, moderate entertainments may be given and 
patriotic speeches may be delivered; and such assemblies may keep 
watchful eyes on the disloyal element which seeks to mingle with all 
wholesome things in every part of our agitated country. If this plan 
is impracticable, they may meet on particular days — say once a week 
or once a month — in the usual gathering-place of their party, in the 
court-house or the school-room, or wherever loyalty has a home, to 
listen to their local orators, or to transact such business as may be 
necessary for upholding proper sentiments in their neighborhood. If 
even this cannot be accomplished, hold a few meetings, or even one 
meeting of your people, and let them look one another in the eyes and 
subscribe their names to a roll of men who pledge themselves to sus- 
tain their government through its trials. At all events, band together, 
organize, show front against the common enemy. . . . If you are satis- 
fied that the establishment of a Union League among you will be a 
safeguard against traitors, or a means of advancing the national cause, 
do not fail, as soon as you are organized, to enter into correspondence 
with us and all similar associations throughout the country. . . . The 
relations between the various Leagues cannot be too intimate." 

The letter closed by offering to all delegates or individuals 
of smaller Leagues, who should come to Philadelphia with 
proper credentials, the hospitality of the League house. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 149 



VII. 

EXTRACTS FROM THE ADDRESS OF SEPTEMBER 16, 1863. 

"The Union League of the City of Philadelphia was 
formed for the purpose of aiding the government of the 
United States in suppressing the existing rebellion. It had, 
and has, no other object whatever. Composed of men who 
have heretofore belonged to different political organizations, it 
is in no sense a partisan body. At the last Presidential elec- 
tion some of its members supported John C. Breckinridge, 
some Stephen A. Douglas, some John Bell, and others the 
present chief magistrate, Abraham Lincoln. It knows no 
party now save that of the country, and acknowledges no po- 
litical obligation save that of assisting by all the means in its 
power the constituted authorities of the land. . . . While 
we entirely disclaim all desire to promote the election of any 
man or set of men to office simply because they are the candi- 
dates of a particular party, we cannot, nevertheless, fail to 
see that the approaching gubernatorial election involves the 
question whether the government shall be sustained or over- 
thrown, and whether the country shall be preserved or de- 
stroyed. . . . We are clearly of the opinion that opposition 
to the war is opposition to the Union. That the leaders of the 
so-called Democratic party, its principal candidates in this 



150 HISTORY OF THE 

State and elsewhere, are in opposition to the government in 
its effort to protect by force its existence cannot truthfully 
be denied. . . . Entertaining these views, we believe it to be 
our imperative duty, by all legitimate and proper means, to 
aid in the re-election of Andrew G. Curtin as governor of 
this Commonwealth." 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 151 



VIII. 

CORRESPONDENCE ON ENLISTMENT OF COLORED TROOPS. 

Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington : 

On behalf of the citizens of Philadelphia and its vicinity, the under- 
signed respectfully request you to issue the proper authorization for 
immediately raising three regiments of volunteers of colored men from 
this part of Pennsylvania for the war. The undersigned are happy to 
be able to state that, in their judgment, such action on your part would 
be gladly welcomed and earnestly sustained by a vast majority of 
their loyal fellow-citizens, and that the invitation to volunteer for the 
defence of the Union would be responded to with zeal and alacrity by 
the colored men of Pennsylvania. 

The undersigned would respectfully suggest that should you con- 
clude to issue the instructions which they urge, you order Fort Mifflin 
or some other suitable place to be prepared for the reception of the 
volunteers as fast as they can enlist ; that none but colored non-com- 
missioned officers be allowed to canvass for recruits ; and that no indi- 
vidual, no clique, nor distinct set of politicians be exclusively trusted 
with this matter. It is the whole people who urge this action, and all 
classes should be charged with its support. Finally, the undersigned 
assure you that they are willing to undertake the collection of what- 
soever funds may be necessary to defray extraordinary expenses for 
recruiting not allowed by the government, and in every other honor- 
able and disinterested way give their hearty efforts towards raising 
these regiments of colored men for the war. 

Leaving the whole question of officering these recruits to you, with 



152 HISTORY OF THE 

no suggestions whatever on that head, the undersigned solicit an early 
answer to this memorial. 
Philadelphia, June 10, 1863. 

The above letter was signed by Thomas Webster, Daniel 
Smith, Jr., William D. Lewis, William D. Kelley, George 
H. Boker, Horace Binney, Jr., Charles Gibbons, Morton 
McMichael, and others, to the number in all of two hundred 
and seventy -six. The reply received was as follows : 

Washington, June 17, 1863. 
Thomas Webster, Esq. : 

The petition of the citizens of Philadelphia for authority to raise 
three regiments of colored volunteers has been received by this De- 
partment, and the proper orders have been issued for raising the 
troops. The views of the Department will be explained to you by 
Major Stearns. 

Edwin M. Stanton, 
Secretary of War. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 153 



IX. 

PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS: RENOMINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

(ADOPTED JANUARY 11, 1864.) 

Whereas, The skill, courage, fidelity, and integrity with which, in 
a period of unparalleled trial, Abraham Lincoln has conducted the ad- 
ministration of the National government have won for him the highest 
esteem and most affectionate regard of his grateful countrymen ; 

And whereas, The Union League of Philadelphia, composed as it is of 
those who having formerly belonged to various parties, in this juncture 
recognize no party but their country ; and representing, as it does, all 
the industrial, mechanical, manufacturing, commercial, financial, and 
professional interests of the city, is especially qualified to give in this 
behalf an unbiased and authentic utterance to the public sentiment ; 
therefore, 

Resolved, That to the prudence, sagacity, comprehension, and perse- 
verance of Mr. Lincoln, under the guidance of a benign Providence, 
the nation is more indebted for the grand results of the war which 
Southern rebels have wickedly waged against liberty and the Union 
than to any other single instrumentality, and that he is justly entitled 
to whatever reward it is in the power of the nation to bestow. 

Resolved, That we cordially approve of the policy which Mr. Lincoln 

has adopted and pursued, as well the principles he has announced as 

the acts he has performed, and that we shall continue to give an earnest 

and energetic support to the doctrines and measures by which his 

administration has thus far been directed and illustrated. 

20 



154 HISTORY OF THE 

Resolved, That as Mr. Lincoln has had to endure the largest share of 
the labor required to suppress the Kebellion, now rapidly verging to its 
close, he should also enjoy the largest share of the honors which await 
those who have contended for the right ; and as, in all respects, he has 
shown pre-eminent ability in fulfilling the requirements of his great 
office, we recognize with pleasure the unmistakable indications of the 
popular will in all the loyal States, and heartily join with our fellow- 
citizens, without any distinction of party, here and elsewhere, in 
presenting him as the People's candidate for the Presidency at the 
approaching election. 

Resolved, That a committee of seventy-six be appointed, whose duty 
it shall be to promote the object now proposed, by correspondence with 
other loyal organizations, by stimulating the expression of public 
opinion, and by whatever additional modes shall in their judgment 
seem best adapted to the end ; and that this committee have power to 
supply vacancies in their own body, and to increase their numbers at 
their own discretion. 

Resolved, That a copy of these proceedings, properly engrossed and 
attested, be forwarded to President Lincoln, and that they also be 
published in the loyal newspapers. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 155 



X. 

CORRESPONDENCE WITH HON WILLIAM M. MEREDITH. 

At the annual meeting of the League, December 12, 1864, 
Mr. Charles Gibbons read the following letter from the Hon. 
William Meredith, President : 

Harrisburg, December 10, 1864. 
My dear Sir: 

The formation of the Union League was an experiment of which, at 
the time, many doubted the success. Its object appeared to be so 
vitally material to the interests and even safety of the Kepublic, that I 
did not feel at liberty to refuse the position of President, my accept- 
ance of which the members were partial enough to consider desirable. 
The recent elections have shown that the principles which the League 
was formed to vindicate are now firmly established in the hearts of our 
people. The state of my health, and my necessary frequent absence 
from home, prevent me from taking an active part in the conduct of 
the institution, and I therefore, under the circumstances, feel at liberty 
now to decline a re-election. I beg that you will do me the favor to 
communicate this determination to the members of the League. 
I am, with great esteem, very truly yours, 

W. M. Meredith. 

Charles Gibbons, Esq. 

On Mr. Gibbons's motion resolutions were adopted, and 



156 HISTORY OF THE 

the Secretary subsequently sent the letter which is here 

appended : 

Union League House, January 11, 1865. 
Hon. William M. Meredith. 

Dear Sir, — At the annual meeting of the Union League of Phila- 
delphia, held on the 12th day of December, 1864, I was instructed to 
transmit to you the gold medal of the League, together with the accom- 
panying resolutions, which were unanimously passed by the meeting : 

Resolved, That the members of the Union League of Philadelphia, 
regretting the retirement of the Hon. William M. Meredith from the 
Presidency of the League, present to him their grateful thanks for the 
valuable services which he has rendered to the State and country, 
during his connection with the State administration, in the promotion 
of the great objects for which the League was formed. 

Resolved, That in testimony of our high appreciation of the eminent 
worth of Mr. Meredith, the Directors do and are hereby requested to 
present to him the gold medal of the League, with a copy of these 
resolutions, and to place his name on the roll of honorary membership. 

I have the honor to remain, your obedient servant, 

GrEORGE H. BOKER. 

The receipt of the medal and resolutions was cordially 
acknowledged by Mr. Meredith. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 157 



XI. 

RESOLUTIONS TO MR. CLAGHORN. 

Mr. James L. Claghorn, Treasurer of the League from 
the date of its foundation, having resigned, to take effect 
October 1, 1865, Messrs. N. B. Browne and Daniel Smith, 
Jr., were appointed a committee of the Directors to prepare 
suitable resolutions expressing " their sense of the value of 
his services." Their report, embodying the resolutions below, 
was accepted at a stated meeting of the Board of Directors, 
October 13, 1865. 

" Besolved, That in accepting the resignation of James L. Claghorn, 
Esq., as Treasurer of the League, the Board of Directors deem it 
proper to express their high appreciation of the zealous, untiring, and 
peculiarly valuable services rendered by him in the affairs of the 
League from its origin, and in the cause of the National Union, which 
the League was formed to defend and sustain. 

" Besolved, That in tendering to Mr. Claghorn an expression of the 
sentiments of esteem and personal regard which all loyal men enter- 
tain for him, the Board desire to add their own cordial good wishes 
for his continued health and happiness during his anticipated long 
absence from the country. 

" Besolved, That a copy of these resolutions be transmitted to Mr. 
Claghorn." 



158 HISTORY OF THE 



XII. 

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS. 

At a special meeting of the Union League, October 18, 
1870, Mr. Charles Gibbons offered the following preamble 
and resolutions : 

" Whereas, It is declared by the Constitution of Pennsylvania that 
all power is inherent in the people, and all free governments are founded 
on their authority and instituted for their peace, safety, and happiness, 
and that, for the advancement of these ends, they have at all times an 
unalienable and indefeasible right to alter, reform, or abolish their gov- 
ernment in such manner as they may think proper ; 

" And whereas, The high powers conferred upon the legislative de- 
partment of the government were delegated by the people, with the 
full confidence and expectation that they would be exercised for the 
common benefit, and that no temptations of private gain or advantage 
would ever control or influence any branch of the law-making power 
of the State in the execution of the sacred trust confided to its man- 
agement ; 

" And whereas, The history of the legislation of Pennsylvania for 
many years past is strongly marked by the corruptive power of cor- 
porations, seeking special favors by the temptations of bribery ; the 
franchises of the State are bartered for money, and our legislative halls 
have often been converted into market-places, where important public 
offices have been sold to the highest bidders by faithless and venal 
public servants ; vested rights have been threatened and assailed for 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 159 

the sole purpose of extorting ransom from their lawful proprietors ; 
and public acts which concern the common welfare are passed or re- 
jected without intelligent consideration, and thus the safety and happi- 
ness of the people are frequently impaired and imperilled by dishonest 
and incompetent representatives : 

" And whereas, There appears to be no other remedy for these mon- 
strous and acknowledged evils than such well-considered amendments 
of the constitution of the State as will deliver the legislative body from 
the temptations which continually assail it, and improve the character 
of its members by securing the rights of minorities in all popular 
elections ; therefore, 

"Resolved, That the members of the Union League of Philadelphia, 
now assembled in general meeting, do approve and recommend the 
calling of a convention to be composed of delegates chosen by the 
freemen of the State, for the purpose of proposing amendments to the 
Constitution of Pennsylvania. 

" Resolved, In order that the wishes of the freemen of the Common- 
wealth may be duly ascertained in respect to the calling of such a con- 
vention, that application be made to the Legislature at its next session 
for the passage of a proper act submitting the question to the people 
for their decision at an election to be held for the special purpose on 
the first Tuesday in May next, or at some other convenient time. 

" Resolved, That a committee to consist of ten persons, five of whom 
shall be taken from the body of the League and five from the Board 
of Managers of the League, be appointed for the purpose of directing 
public attention to the subject of the foregoing preamble and resolu- 
tions, with authority to confer with any other committees that may be 
appointed by other organizations or meetings having the same ends in 
view, and with power to take such measures in the premises as to 
them may seem meet and expedient." 

The scope of the contemplated reform is concisely and com- 
prehensively outlined in the speech made by Mr. Gibbons on 
presenting the resolutions. He said : 



160 HISTORY OF THE 

" The preamble and resolutions which are now submitted to the 
action of the League were unanimously approved, as stated, by the 
Board of Directors. I believe they do not magnify the corruption 
known to exist in the legislative department of our State government. 
It is the inevitable result of a system which gives to that department 
the power to confer special and valuable privileges upon one set of 
men and deny the like to others who seek them for like objects equally 
meritorious. "Wherever such a power resides in a legislature, all expe- 
rience proves that neither those who seek nor those who confer such 
favors are beyond the reach of temptation. 

" The franchises of the State are secured in these latter days less by 
considerations of a public nature than by means of private gain to 
individuals, and hence they have become the almost unfailing sources 
of that corruption which is shaking the confidence of many people in 
the stability of popular government. Public opinion exhausts its in- 
dignation upon those who have surrendered to the temptations of 
bribery, while the managers of corporations who permit the money 
of their stockholders to be applied to such purposes escape observation 
and punishment, and seem to imagine that no share of the responsi- 
bility rests upon their shoulders. A sounder morality teaches that they 
who procure the bribe to be offered are the first transgressors, and are 
more guilty than their victims, who were too human to resist it. ' It 
must be that offences come, but woe be to that man by whom the 
offence cometh!' 

" If it be right to grant the franchises of the State for a particular 
purpose in one county, it is equally right to grant them for like pur- 
poses when required in any other county. Or if it be right to grant 
special powers and privileges to one corporation, it is equally right to 
grant the like powers to all others of the same character. The people 
are entitled to impartial legislation. Eailroad companies, manufac- 
turing companies, mining, banking, insurance, and trust companies, and 
other corporations created for other purposes, have performed and will 
continue to perform important services to the State, and are so com- 
pletely interwoven with all our social and material wants that they 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 16] 

should be created and regulated only by general laws. Such a reform 
would strike the root of the corruption complained of. 

"The extent to which special legislation is carried may be seen by 
reference to the pamphlet laws of the State. They exhibit the fact, 
which may probably excite some surprise, that our vast and expensive 
machinery for making laws finds very little employment in matters 
which concern the public generally. It costs, perhaps, hundreds of 
thousands of dollars to set it up every year, and is then employed 
almost exclusively in special legislation at an additional annual expense 
of three hundred thousand dollars. The laws of 1868 are printed in a 
huge octavo volume of fourteen hundred and fourteen pages ; the laws 
of 1869 in a similar volume of fifteen hundred and four pages; the laws 
of 1870 in a similar volume of fifteen hundred and fifty-two pages ; 
making a total of four thousand seven hundred and ninety pages. 

"Twenty-one thousand copies of these laws have been printed at the 
public expense, and about three hundred pages out of the whole num- 
ber contain all the general laws which have been passed for the last 
three years. In 1868 the Legislature passed eighty-one general laws 
and twelve hundred and seventy-four special or private acts. In 1869 
it passed seventy-one general laws and twelve hundred and forty-five 
special or private acts. 

"In 1870 it passed, as nearly as I can ascertain, forty-nine general 
laws and about twelve hundred private or special acts. Hundreds of 
these special acts relate to corporations; hundreds apply only to par- 
ticular counties ; many of them relate to sheep, goats, dogs, pigs, and 
other families of animated nature in certain townships, and all of them 
to matters which could be better regulated by general and permanent 
laws, or which might be safely left by constitutional provision to the 
control of local authorities. 

" If the power of the Legislature were restricted to the passage of 

laws of a public nature, there would be, in fact, very little for it to do. 

Biennial sessions are all that the public welfare would require. We are 

more likely to suffer from too much than too little legislation. If our 

general elections were biennial instead of annual, they would come often 

21 



162 HISTORY OF THE 

enough for the peace, safety, morality, and happiness of the people, and 
the change would result in a prodigious saving of time, health, and money. 

"There are other subjects which would necessarily force themselves 
upon the attention of a convention. The rights of political minorities 
are entitled to respect, and should be guarded and protected by the 
fundamental law. How this can be best accomplished is a question 
which is already engaging the attention of some of the best minds in 
the State. Although Mr. Buckalew is not of my political faith, I am 
free to say that, in my opinion, he is entitled to great honor for his 
patriotic efforts in this direction. 

" The practice of conferring political patronage upon courts of law, 
whose judges are elective, is a threatening evil which is worthy of 
serious thought. Our system of public education is a very imperfect 
one, and compares unfavorably in its results with that of some other 
countries far behind us in liberal ideas on subjects connected with 
political science. These are matters that need not be discussed here, 
but they are too important to be neglected in any revision that may be 
made of our State constitution. 

" The proposition embraced by the resolutions involves no question 
of party politics. It contemplates nothing more than the ascertain- 
ment of the will of the freemen of the State in relation to the call of 
a convention for the purpose indicated. It is impossible to close our 
eyes to the necessity of some popular endeavor to check corruption in 
public places, which is confined to no party, and has grown so bold 
that it seems to challenge the virtue of the people to an open contest 
for supremacy. 

"It is not peculiar to Pennsylvania. It is quite as bad in other 
States. Not only the Legislature of New York but the local judiciary 
of its great commercial capital is befouled by it, and the halls of Con- 
gress are not free from its loathsome touch. But our duty is at home, 
among our own people. If we do our part faithfully we shall unveil 
the old shield of the Commonwealth, which has been so long obscured, 
and make the pledge of virtue, liberty, and independence, which our 
fathers inscribed upon it, our pledge, to be kept hereafter inviolate." 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 163 



XIII. 

THE LEAGUE HOUSE. 

The lease of the Baldwin house, the first building occu- 
pied by the League, was to expire in August, 1864, and as 
the negotiations for a further lease or a purchase on favorable 
terms were unsuccessful, members began to consider, in the 
autumn of 1863, the question of erecting a building of their 
own. A meeting for this purpose was called for October 16 
of that year, and an association of subscribers, with Daniel 
Smith, Jr., as chairman, was then formed, which assembled 
on the 28th to receive the reports of the Committees on Or- 
ganization and on Plans. They continued to consult together 
until the subject had been brought into a form capable of 
presentation to the annual meeting of the League in Decern-' 
ber. A lot had been purchased, bounded by Broad, Sansom, 
and Moravian Streets, and it was proposed by the gentlemen 
owning it (mostly League members) to put up a buil ding- 
there which should be leased to the association. But at the 
annual meeting another plan was submitted by the Directors 
and adopted. This was to leave the title of the lot and build- 
ing in the hands of Trustees until the League should obtain 
its charter, and thus be enabled to hold the real estate itself. 



164 HISTORY OF THE 

The entire cost of land and house was to be one hundred and 
twenty thousand dollars, for which the Trustees subsequently, 
on transferring title, took a mortgage to the full amount, pay- 
able in twenty years. Certificates of loan, representing five 
hundred dollars each, were issued to the contributors to the 
fund. The whole sum needed was readily obtained from 
members. While the construction was progressing prices 
rose excessively high, in consequence of the inflation of the 
currency, but the energy of the members kept pace with the 
advance, and they raised thirty-two thousand dollars more 
to be expended upon the property. In addition to this, more 
than twenty-four thousand dollars were appropriated from 
the League treasury to make the new edifice completely sat- 
isfactory. The total cost, therefore, footed up somewhat over 
one hundred and seventy-six thousand dollars, of which the 
members, individually, contributed one hundred and fifty -two 
thousand dollars by voluntary subscription. 

In 1881 a number of members offered to build at their 
own expense, and present to the corporation a large and 
handsome Annex, which should include a spacious hall suit- 
able for League meetings, private exhibitions of art, and for 
balls or other social assemblies. This offer was accepted, and 
two hundred and forty-eight members subscribed for the 
proposed structure thirty-two thousand fi\e hundred dollars, 
which, with a sum derived from the sale of certain buildings 
torn down to make room for it, sufficed to finish the Annex 
in a manner eminently satisfactory. The League house is 
now one of the most commodious, stately, and beautiful club 
edifices in the world. By this latest addition the resources 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 165 

of the corporation are greatly extended, not only for the 
benefit of those who frequent the League house, but for the 
better management of those receptions to public men which 
form one of the traditional functions of the League. Mean- 
while the portraits and marble effigies of heroes, of statesmen, 
thinkers, and great generals silently guard the corridors or 
look from the walls which, but for the cause served by the 
living originals, would never have been reared. By the gift 
of Mr. Edwin N. Benson, also, a memorial window, placed 
in the house proper and dedicated to the first four Presidents 
of the League, enshrines the memory of those faithful citizens. 



166 HISTORY OF THE 



XIV. 

OFFICERS OF THE LEAGUE. 

PRESIDENTS. 

William M. Meredith, December, 1862, to 1864. 

J. Gillingham Fell, December, 1864, to 1868. 

Horace Binney, Jr., December, 1868, to February, 1870. 

Morton McMichael, February, 1870, to December, 1874. 

John P. Yerree, December, 1874, to 1876. 

Charles E. Smith, December, 1876, to 1878. 

George H. Boker, December, 1878. 



vice-presidents. 

1863. — William H. Ashhurst, John B. Myers, Adolph E. Borie, 

Horace Binney, Jr. 
1864.— The same. 
1865. — W. H. Ashhurst, A. E. Borie, Horace Binney, Jr., Morton 

McMichael. 

1866. a 

1867. I— The same. 

1868. J 

1869. — A. E. Borie, Morton McMichael, J. Gillingham Fell, 
Daniel Smith, Jr. 

1870. — A. E. Borie, Morton McMichael, J. G. Fell, Charles Gib- 
bons. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 167 

1871. — A. E. Borie, J. G. Fell, Charles Gibbons, William Sellers. 

1872. ^ 

1873. f — The same. 

1874. J 

1875. — A. E. Borie, J. G. Fell, Edward C. Knight, Charles E. 
Smith. 

1876. — A. E. Borie, J. G. Fell, E. C. Knight, James B. Watson. 

1877. — A. E. Borie, J. G. Fell, James V. Watson, John P. Verree. 

1878.— J. G. Fell, J. V. Watson, E. E. Cope, B. H. Bartol. 

1879. — A. E. Borie, Edwin N. Benson, J. Frailey Smith, William 
C. Houston. 

1880. — The same. But on the decease of Messrs. Borie and Frailey 
Smith, Edwin H. Fitler and Samuel C. Perkins were 
chosen to fill the vacancies thus created. 

1881.— Edwin M". Benson, W. C. Houston, E. H. Fitler, S. C. Per- 
kins. 

1882.— The same. 



DIRECTORS. 



1863. — Charles Gilpin, Morton McMichael, J. I. Clark Hare, 
Charles Gibbons, James L. Claghorn, Benjamin Gerhard, 
Joseph B. Townsend, George H. Boker. 

1864. — Morton McMichael, J. I. Clark Hare, Charles Gibbons, 
James L. Claghorn, Benjamin Gerhard, J. B. Townsend, 
George H. Boker. Newly elected : George Whitney, John 
B. Kenney. 

1865. — J. I. Clark Hare, Charles Gibbons, James L. Claghorn, J. B. 
Townsend, George H. Boker, George Whitney, John B. 
Kenney. Newly elected : Lindley Smyth, Daniel Smith, Jr., 
1ST. B. Browne, James H. Orne, Henry C. Lea, William 
Sellers, Ellerslie Wallace, M.D., Cadwalader Biddle. 

1866. — J. I. Clark Hare, Charles Gibbons, J. B. Townsend, George 
H. Boker, George Whitney, Lindley Smyth, Daniel Smith, 



168 HISTORY OF THE 

Jr., N. B. Browne, James H. Orne, William Sellers, El- 
lerslie Wallace, M.D. Newly elected : Stephen A. Caldwell, 
Edward S. Clarke, Edward Browning, A. H. Franciscus. 

1867. — Charles Gibbons, J. B. Townsend, George H. Boker, Lindley 
Smyth, Daniel Smith, Jr., James H. Orne, William Sellers, 
Stephen A. Caldwell, Edward S. Clarke, Edward Brown- 
ing, A. H. Franciscus. Newly elected: George J. Gross, 
Andrew Wheeler, John P. Yerree, Evan Eandolph. 

1868. — Charles Gibbons, George H. Boker, Lindley Smyth, Daniel 
Smith, Jr., James H. Orne, William Sellers, Stephen A. 
Caldwell, E. S. Clarke, Edward Browning, A. H. Fran- 
ciscus, George J. Gross, John P. Yerree. Newly elected: 
James L. Claghorn, Henry C. Lea, Lewis Saunders. 

1869. — Charles Gibbons, George H. Boker, James H. Orne, Stephen 
A. Caldwell, E. S. Clarke, John P. Yerree, James L. Clag- 
horn. Newly elected : E. C. Knight, Henry Lewis, Samuel 
C. Perkins, Eichard Wright, Henry Winsor, Joseph 
Trimble, John Eice, E. E. Cope. 

1870. — George H. Boker, James H. Orne, Stephen A. Caldwell, 
E. S. Clarke, John P. Yerree, James L. Claghorn, E. C. 
Knight, Henry Lewis, S. C. Perkins, Eichard Wright, 
Joseph Trimble, John Eice, E. E. Cope. Newly elected : 
Alfred D. Jessup, J. Frailey Smith. 

1871. — George H. Boker, Stephen A. Caldwell, E. S. Clarke, John 
P. Yerree, James L. Claghorn, E. C. Knight, S. C. Perkins, 
Eichard Wright, Joseph Trimble, A. D. Jessup, J. Frailey 
Smith. Newly elected : Charles K. Ide, William E. Little- 
ton, Charles Gilpin. 

1872.— George H. Boker, Stephen A. Caldwell, E. S. Clarke, John 
P. Yerree, James L. Claghorn, E. C. Knight, S. C. Perkins, 
Eichard Wright, J. Frailey Smith, Charles K. Ide, W. E. 
Littleton, Charles Gilpin. Newly elected: Lewis Waln 
Smith, H. H. Bingham, Edwin N. Benson. 

1873.— The same. 



UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA. 169 

1874. — The same, excepting Edwin H. Fitler and William D. Gem- 
mill, elected in place of J. P. Verree and C. K. Ide. 

1875.— James L. Claghorn, E. S Clarke, S. C. Perkins, Eichard 
Wright. J. Frailey Smith. Newly elected: James V. Wat- 
son, Franklin A. Comly, William C. Houston, George 
Philler. William Camac, John J. Hartmann, Eobert 
Gray, Thomas Hart, Jr., John Hockley, Jr., Silas W. 
Pettit. 

1876. — James L. Claghorn, J. Frailey Smith, William C. Houston, 
J. J. Hartmann, J. Hockley, Jr., Silas W. Pettit. Neirtij 
elected: Edwin ^ST. Benson, Edward S. Buckley, B. H. 
Bartol, Aubrey H. Smith, E. E. Cope, Frederick Collins, 
William Brockie, Alexander Biddle, Andrew Wheeler. 

1877. — James L. Claghorn. J. J. Hartmann, Silas W. Pettit, B. H. 
Bartol, x^ubrey H. Smith, Edward S. Buckley, Frederick 
Collins, William Brockie, Alexander Biddle. Newly 
elected : Thomas A. Boyd, James E. Caldwell, Isaac Hinck- 
ley, Henry Pettit, Joseph Lapsley Wilson 

1878. — James L. Claghorn, Silas W. Pettit, Aubrey H. Smith, E. S. 
Buckley, Frederick Collins, Thomas A. Boyd, James E. 
Caldwell, Isaac Hinckley, Henry Pettit, Joseph L. Wil- 
son. Newly elected : Amos E. Little, Henry Armitt Brown, 
John Wright, Charles H. Cramp, George H. Boker. 

1879. — James L. Claghorn, Silas W. Pettit, Charles H. Cramp. 
Newly elected: S. C. Perkins, E. H. Fitler, William E. 
Littleton, Strickland Kneass, John L. Lawson, Samuel 
B. Huey, Francis P. Steel, H P. Smith, L. F. Barry, 
J. E. Soule. Winthrop Smith, William H. Hurley. 

1880.— James L. Claghorn, Silas W. Pettit, Charles H. Cramp, 
S. C. Perkins, E. H. Fitler, William E. Littleton, Strick- 
land Kneass, John Ij. Lawson, S. B. Huey, H. P. Smith. 
L. F. Barry, J. E. Soule, Winthrop Smith. William H. 
Hurley. Afterwards, to supply the places of Messrs. Per- 
kins, Fitler, IjIttleton. and H. P. Smith, Messrs. Thomas 



170 HISTORY OF THE UNION LEAGUE. 

Dolan, Wayne MacVeagh, E. C. Knight, and Theodore E. 

Wiedersheim were elected. 
1881. — James L. Claghorn, Silas W. Pettit, Charles H. Cramp, 

Strickland Kneass, John L. Lawson, S. B. Huey, L. F. 

Barry, J. E. Soule, Winthrop Smith, William H. Hurley, 

Thomas Dolan, Wayne MacVeagh, E. C. Knight, Theodore 

E. Wiedersheim. Newly elected : Henry Lewis. 
1882. — The same, excepting Eobert S. Davis and Joel J. Baily, 

elected in place of Wayne MacVe.agh and J. E. Soule. 



secretaries. 



George H. Boker, 1863 to 1874. 
Stephen A. Caldwell, 1874 to 1875. 
William H. Camac, 1875 to 1876. 
Silas W. Pettit, 1876 to 1879. 
William E. Littleton, 1879 to 1880. 
Samuel B. Huey, 1880. 



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